UnHN  H.LiAHNEH. 


TUy.l^Lr 


M. 
STAMBULOFF 


PUBLIC  MEN  OF   TO-DAY 


An  International  Series 


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S.    H.    JEYES 


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M. 
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With    Six  Portraits 


NEW  YORK 
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CONTENTS 


CHAPTER    I. 

YOUNG  DAYS. 
Stambuloff's  family — He  is  apprenticed  to  a  tailor — ^Joins  the  Tirnovo 
revolutionary  committee — Goes  to  Odessa  as  scholar  of  the  Empress 
— Studies  for  the  Priesthood — Is  ejected  from  the  University — 
Returns  to  Bulgaria — Travels  as  a  pedlar — Forms  revolutionary 
committees — Attempts  to  raise  revolt  at  Esky  Zagra — Is  hunted 
out  of  Bulgaria — Starvation  at  Bucharest^Second  attempt  at 
revolt  —  Benkovsky  at  Panagurishte — Christo  Karamenko  the 
Voivode — An  adventurous  drive — The  siege  of  Drenovo  Monastery 
— Stambuloft"  crosses  the  Danube  under  sentry  fire,  disguised  as  a 
gardener — Joins  the  Russian  staff  during  the  Servian  War — The 
Russo-Turkish  War  17-37 

CHAPTER   II. 

ENTRANCE  UPON  PUBLIC  LIFE. 
Stambuloff  is  elected  Deputy  for  Tirnovo— Begins  organising  revolu- 
tionary bands  in  Macedonia — His  opinion  of  the  Macedonians — 
The  First  and  Second  Chambers — Election  of  Prince  Alexander — 
Stambuloff  sets  up  in  practice  as  a  lawyer — Four  Cabinets  in  one 
year — Zankoff  as  Premier,  and  Stambuloff  Vice-President  of  the 
Chamber — Zankoff  falls  by  Russian  intrigues — The  Septennate — 
M.  Hitrovo  and  the  Liberals — Stambuloff's  telegram  to  Hitrovo — 
Zankoff  turns  his  coat  and  becomes  Russophil — Russian  proposals 
to  M.  Stambuloff  to  get  rid  of  the  Prince — Stambuloff  in  bed,  and 
his  visitors — Machiavelli  on  revolutions — The  state  of  aftairs  in 
Eastern  Roumelia         .......         3^-54 

CHAPTER   III. 

THE    UNION. 

Karaveloff  and  Stambuloff  as  Premier  and  President  of  the  Chamber 
— The  Declaration  of  the  Union  at  Chirpan — Shameful  treatment 
of  Gavril  Pasha — Indecision  of  the  Prince — Stambuloff's  advice 
carries  the  day^ — The  Prince's  Proclamation — The  address  to  the 
Czar — M.  Koyander  refuses  to  forward  it  —  Stambuloff  at  the 
telegraph  office — Servian  feeling  at  the  Union — M.  Garashanin  on 
the  situation — The  "Ambassadorial  Declaration" — Prince  Alex- 
ander writes  to  King  Milan — A  model  despatch — The  first  meeting 
of  the  Conference  at  Constantinople         ....     55-74 


8  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   IV. 

THE   SERVIAN    WAR. 

Prince  Alexander  and  the  Czar — Withdrawal  of  Russian  officers 
from  the  Bulgarian  Army — Declaration  of  war  by  Servia  — 
Received  by  the  Prince  at  Philippopolis — Hurried  return  to  Sofia 
— Stambuloff  is  sent  with  a  disagreeable  message  into  camp  at 
Slivniiza — He  fights  as  a  private  in  Colonel  Nicolaiefl"'s  brigade — 
The  Bulgarians  enter  Nish — Austria  in  front  and  Russia  behind — 
The  forced  Armistice — The  Commission  of  Military  Attaches — 
Negotiations  at  Constantinople— A  brief  Treaty  of  Peace  is  signed 
at  Bucharest 75-86 

CHAPTER  V. 

THE    "coup    d'etat." 

Bendereff  slaps  his  elbow — The  intercepted  letter — A  woman's  caprice 
— "  Where  is  Prince  Alexander?" — The  Zankoffists  in  the  mud — 
Clement's  Provisional  Government  of  twelve  hours — Stambulofif's 
Manifesto — Panoff"dissolvts  Clement's  Cabinet — Prince  Alexander's 
return— Stambuloff's  sleep,  and  the  consequences — The  Telegram 
to  the  Czar,  and  its  answer — Punica  fides  of  Russian  Agents — 
Prince  Alexander's  final  departure  .         .         .       87-106 

CHAPTER  VI. 

THE   REGENCY. 

General  Kaulbars  arrives — His  twelve  pieces  of  advice — Stambuloff 
insists  on  a  Candidate  for  the  Throne — Kaulbars  addresses  the 
crowd — He  makes  an  electoral  tour — A  revolt  at  Bourgas — Prince 
Valdemar  is  offered  the  Throne — General  Kaulbars  leaves  Bulgaria, 
with  all  the  Russian  Consular  officials — The  Plot  of  the  Yunkers 
— The  Silistria  revolt  —  The  Rustchuk  revolt  —  Execution  of 
Panoff — Ministerial  plot  against  the  Regents — The  Throne  is 
offered  to  King  Charles  of  Roumania — How  Prince  Ferdinand 
was  found — His  election  by  the  Assembly — He  lands  at  Sistoff 

107-128 
CHAPTER  VII. 

PRINCE     FERDINAND. 

Prince  ^Ferdinand's  position — Its  contested  legality — Formation  of 
Stambuloff  Ministr}' — The  Elections  —  The  Esky  Zagra  band  — 
The  Bourgas  expedition  —  Nabokofif  is  shot  by  peasants — Count 
Ignalieff's  complicity — Turkey's  protest  against  Prince  Ferdinand 
—  Lord  Salisbury's  and  Count  Kalnoky's  views  —  Stambuloff 
marries — The  Oriental  Railway — The  Capture  of  Messrs.  Binder 
and  Landler  by  brigands  —  Extermination  of  brigandage  by 
Stambuloff       . 129-146 


CONTENTS.  9 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE   CHURCH  AND   THE   PANITZA   PLOT. 

Split  in  the  Ministry — Resignation  of  Stoiloff  and  Natchevitch — 
Stambuloff  and  the  Conservatives — Intriguing  Churchmen — Three 
Bishops  expelled  from  Sofia — A  seditious  petition  to  the  Exarch — 
A  reconciliation  patched  up — Princess  Ferdinand  and  Princess 
Marie  Louise  of  Parma  —  A  question  of  Religion — Stambuloff 
deals  with  the  constitutional  difficulty — Disaffection  of  Major 
Panitza — Another  Russian  conspiracy — Discovery  of  the  Plot, 
and  arrest  of  Panitza — His  trial  and  condemnation — The  death 
warrant  signed  by  the  Prince—  M.  Stambuloff 's  marriage   147-167 

CHAPTER   IX. 

THE   BELTCHEFF   AND   VULKOVITCH    MURDERS. 

The  system  of  political  assassination — Stambuloff  and  Beltcheff — 
"  Run,  Beltcheff,  run  !  " — The  scene  in  the  Cathedral — Horror  at 
the  crime — The  assassins — A  tough  cypher — The  warning  to 
Dr.  Vulkovitch — His  murder — Stambuloff  goes  to  Constantinople 
— His  reception  by  the  Sultan  —  Triumphant  majority  at  the 
elections — The  opening  of  the  quarrel  with  the  Prince — Stambuloff 
reporting  to  the  Prince — The  undated  resignation — An  insolent 
officer — How  he  was  punished — The  Prince  and  Petkoff — In  the 
Red  Saloon — Stambuloff's  revenge.       ....     168-1S9 

CHAPTER  X. 

THE   FALL  OF   STAMBULOFF. 

Appointment  of  Savoff  Minister  of  War — His  conjugal  griefs— He 
accuses  Slavkofif— Stambuloff  obtains  an  Irade  for  Macedonian 
Bishops — Popular  delight  at  this  victory — Stambuloff  resigns  again 
— The  Prince  refuses  to  accept — The  challenge  from  Savoff — The 
protocol  of  the  seconds — Savoff 's  letter  to  the  Prince — "The  act 
of  a  churl" — Stambuloff  sends  his  resignation  by  letter  to  the 
Prince — National  demonstrations  against  his  leaving  office — -The 
mob  assisted  by  the  soldiers — The  Princely  Rescript — Stambuloff 
goes  to  the  Palace — The  rabble  spit  upon  him — Stambuloff's  house 
in  a  state  of  siege— The  interview  in  the  Frankfurter  Zcitung — 
Stambuloff's  great  mistake  ......     190-108 


lo  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XI. 

THE    PERSECUTION. 

Stamljuloff  summoned  to  Court — He  is  bailed  out — The  attack  upon 
him  by  the  police — Costa  Pavloff — \\Tiolesale  dismissal  of  the 
Stambuloff  partisans  in  Government  employ  —  Maltreatment  of 
electors  at  Slivno — "You  are  drimkards  and  vagabonds'''— TY^t 
Svoboda — StoilofF  and  Petroff  make  an  electoral  tour — The  "  en- 
lightened" Chamber — The  method  of  legislation — The  Parliamen- 
tary Commission — The  sequester — Its  illegality — Petkoff  and  his 
fortune — The  Pension  Law — The  accusations  against  Stambuloff — 
Their  absurdity — Stambuloff  must  not  write  in  red  ink — Assassins 
at  tea  with  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs — An  execution  for 
taxes  on  Stambuloff's  furniture — His  visit  to  the  Club  .     209-226 

CHAPTER  XII. 

CONCLUSION. 

Stambuloff's  views — -His  nephew  Kiriloff  expelled  from  the  Army — 
A  schoolmaster  beaten,  and  set  to  sweep  out  the  police-station — 
The  Government  always  says  it  does  not  know — "When  I  was 
Premier,  a  bee  could  not  start  from  Varna  without  my  knowing  it" — 
The  Prince  and  Russia — A  dangerous  game — Dr.  Stoiloff 's  opinion 
—  He  does  not  believe  in  the  stories  of  persecution — Is  confident 
about  the  elections — Character  of  Stambuloff — He  was  his  own 
worst  enemy  ........     227-234 

Postscript. — The  premeditation  of  the  murder — The  Government 
morally  responsible — The  assassination — Guntcho  is  arrested — The 
police  look  on — Stambuloff's  hands  amputated — His  death — The 
accusation  of  the  Svoboda  against  the  Government — Stambuloff's 
last  letter.     .........     234-240 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 

M.  Stambuloff                    .                .                 .  Frontispiece 

The   Countess    Hartenau    (Widow   of   the  late 

Prince  Alexander)    .                .                .  Face  p.  42 

The  late  Prince  Alexander         .                .  ,,43 

Prince  Ferdinand             .                .                .  ,,        126 

Mdme.  Stambuloff            .                .                .  ,,        166 

Princess  Ferdinand          .               .               .  ,,       i79 


INTRODUCTORY. 


THE  life  of  M.  Stambuloff  is  so  intimately  connected 
with  the  national  life  of  Bulgaria,  that  a  biography 
of  that  Statesman  becomes  almost  a  history  of  the  birth 
and  growth  of  the  Principality.  A  full  and  complete 
history  of  Bulgaria  is,  however,  beyond  the  scope  of  the 
present  sketch,  and  I  have  endeavoured,  as  far  as  possible, 
to  give  special  prominence  to  those  periods  in  which 
M.  Stambuloff  played  a  leading  part,  filling  in  the 
remaining  details  sufficiently  to  enable  the  reader  to 
follow  the  story  intelligently. 

Making  M.  Stambuloff  the  centre  figure,  I  have 
devoted  my  efforts  to  presenting  a  faithful  picture  of 
the  man  and  of  his  deeds,  and  it  may  perhaps  seem 
that  due  importance  has  scarcely  been  given  to  the  roles 
of  other  actors.  It  would,  however,  be  impracticable 
to  enter  into  analyses  of  the  actions,  characters,  and 
motives  of  all  the  leading  men  who  are  mentioned  as 
colleagues  or  adversaries  of  M.  Stambuloff  To  do  so 
would  be  to  write  several  volumes  the  size  of  this  httle 


12  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

work.  Those  who  wish  to  learn  more  of  the  diplomatic 
history  of  the  Union  with  Eastern  Roumelia,  or  of  the 
abduction  of  Prince  Alexander,  may  read  it  in  the 
voluminous  Blue  Books  presented  to  Parliament.  Major 
von  Huhn's  account  of  the  Bulgaro-Servian  War  is  worth 
perusal  by  military  students,  and  gives  a  lively  idea  of  the 
general  state  of  affairs  at  that  critical  period  in  the 
existence  of  Bulgaria.  I  have  purposely  avoided  in- 
corporating in  the  biography  matter  which  has  already 
been  pubhshed,  and  can  be  read  elsewhere. 

The  story,  as  it  is  told  in  these  pages,  has  been  almost 
entirely  taken  by  word  of  mouth  from  the  lips  of  those 
who  were,  and  are,  principally  concerned.  I  have  known 
personally  and  more  or  less  intimately  for  many  years 
M.  Stambuloff,  M.  Zankoff,  M.  Grekoff,  M.  Karaveloff, 
M.  PetkoflF,  and  all  the  other  leading  politicians  and  officers. 
If  the  view  taken  should  appear  too  strongly  biassed  in 
favour  of  M.  Stambuloff  and  his  policy,  it  must  be 
remembered  that  I  have  watched  the  development  of 
Bulgaria  under  that  policy,  and  have  seen  the  inaugura- 
tion of  the  new  one.  It  is  not  so  much  that  I  approve 
M.  Stambuloff,  as  that  I  condemn  his  successors  and  their 
methods.  By  the  time  the  reader  has  reached  the  end  of 
this  book  I  venture  to  think  that  he  will  agree  with  me  in 
what  I  have  striven  to  make  an  impartial  estimate  of  the 
relative  merits  and  responsibilities  of  M.  Stambuloff  and 
his  opponents. 


INTROD  UCTOR  V.  1 3 

Before  entering  upon  the  tale  of  M.  Stambuloff's 
chequered  experiences,  I  should  like  to  present  him  to 
the  public  as  he  sits  in  his  rocking  chair.  He  lives  in  a 
small  and  modest  house  on  the  outskirts  of  the  town,  at 
the  end  of  Rakovsky  Street,  under  the  shadow  of  Mount 
Vitosh.  The  visitor,  on  ringing,  is  inspected  through  the 
glass  pane  of  the  door  by  the  faithful  Guntcho,  and  if  the 
reconnaissance  is  satisfactory,  is  ushered  into  the  hall. 
On  the  right-hand  side  is  the  drawing-room,  and  on  the 
left  the  study.  It  is  here  that  you  will  find  the  ex- 
Premier. 

The  room  is  meagrely  furnished.  Over  the  door  is  a 
panoramic  view  of  Sofia.  On  the  top  of  the  bookcase 
sits  a  huge  stuffed  horned  owl.  Over  another  bookcase 
stands  the  bust  of  Prince  Alexander, — "the  only  souvenir 
I  ever  received  from  the  Prince" — and  a  pile  of  bound 
volumes  of  the  newspaper  Svoboda.  Hanging  on  the  wall 
is  an  oil-painting  which  looks  almost  black,  with  curious 
flecks  of  light  about  it.  If  you  inspect  it  you  will  see  that 
it  represents  the  assassination  of  M.  Beltcheff,  and  the 
bright  spots  are  the  flashes  of  revolvers  and  the  faces  of 
the  murdered  Minister  and  of  M.  Stambuloff.  On  the 
further  side  of  the  room,  one  corner  is  taken  up  by  a 
writing-table  littered  over  with  papers,  proofs  of  his 
journal — the  Svoboda — private  letters,  and  bills.  The 
telephone  stands  handy  alongside  a  copying  press,  and  a 
travelling  clock  and  calendar  mark  the  flight  of  hours  and 


14  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

days.  Next  the  table  and  facing  the  door  is  a  window, 
under  which  is  a  stand-up  desk,  whilst  in  the  other  corner 
is  a  Chatwood  safe.  The  fourth  side  of  the  room  looks 
through  two  large  windows  on  to  the  street,  and  under 
them  runs  a  long  deal  table  covered  with  green  baize. 
Between  the  windows  a  stuffed  capercaillie,  from  Sama- 
kov,  looks  down  over  the  table,  which  is  strewn  with  more 
proof-sheets  and  papers.  Pens  and  ink  are  there,  and  a 
set  of  tobacco-jars,  ash-trays,  cigar-boxes,  and  cutters, 
made  out  of  segments  of  shells  at  Krupp's  great  factory. 
"  That  is  my  pot-de-vin  from  Krupp,  on  an  order  for  over 
two  million  francs,"  he  will  remark,  laughingly.  There  is 
nothing  else  in  the  room  to  note,  except  it  be  the  portrait 
of  Prince  Ferdinand,  over  the  smaller  writing  table,  and  a 
portrait  of  himself,  by  a  local  artist,  over  the  safe.  Lean- 
ing against  the  bookcase  are  two  or  three  repeating  rifles, 
with  fixed  bayonets  ;  and  in  the  middle  of  the  apartment, 
seated  in  a  bent-wood  rocking  chair,  is  M.  Stambuloff 
himself.  His  portrait,  on  the  frontispiece,  gives  some 
idea  of  his  face,  but  it  fails  entirely  to  reproduce  the 
character  of  the  eyes  and  mouth.  Looking  at  the 
photograph  you  see  a  somewhat  heavy,  sleepy-looking 
countenance,  giving  no  indication  of  the  restless  energy 
and  indomitable  spirit  of  the  man.  In  repose  these  are 
not  so  very  marked,  but  as  soon  as  he  touches  upon  a 
subject  of  interest,  M.  Stambuloff's  whole  mien  changes. 
The  heavy  brows  arch  or  contract,  and  the  drooping  lids 


INTROD  UCTOR  V.  1 5 

lift  under  the  scorching  flash  of  his  eyes,  which  glow  like 
live  coals.  The  thick  full  lips  form  themselves  into 
kindly  smiles  or  sarcastic  twists  with  equal  facility,  and 
now  and  again  they  draw  back  into  a  grim  thinness  in 
front  of  the  white  teeth,  whilst  the  close-cropped  hair 
bristles  and  stands  stiff  over  the  massive  forehead.  You 
would  scarcely  recognise,  in  such  moments,  the  M. 
Stambuloff  of  the  frontispiece.  In  stature  he  is  short 
and  thick-set,  and  in  spite  of  continued  bad  health,  and 
a  ceaseless  hacking  cough,  which  scarcely  gives  him  a 
moment's  respite,  he  holds  himself  erect,  and  walks  with 
a  firm  decided  tread.  His  early  life  of  hardship  in  the 
open  air  has  toughened  his  frame,  and  his  fondness  for 
outdoor  exercise,  particularly  for  shooting,  has  probably 
enabled  him  to  withstand  hitherto  the  attacks  of  insidious 
diseases,  aggravated  by  the  intense  mental  strain  which 
he  has  undergone. 

When  I  visited  him,  in  the  month  of  May,  I  found 
him  much  changed  from  the  M.  Stambuloff  with 
whom  I  used  to  tramp  the  Sofia  marshes  and  plains, 
after  snipe  and  quail.  The  once  black  beard  and  hair 
were  plentifully  sprinkled  with  grey,  and  the  erst  smooth 
skin  was  pencilled  deep  with  crows'  feet.  There  was  also 
an  unhealthy  pallor  instead  of  the  old  ruddiness,  and 
always  the  recurrent  cough.  Nevertheless,  his  spirits 
were  wonderful,  and  if  the  scabbard  shows  signs  of 
wear,  the  blade  is  as  keen  and  as  sharp  as  ever. 


1 6  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

In  the  following  pages  the  English  reader  will  be  able 
to  follow  the  Bulgarian  statesman  from. the  beginning  of 
his  career  up  to  the  present,  which  is  scarcely  likely  to  be 
the  end  of  it,  if  his  life  be  spared.*  I  have  introduced 
him  to  the  public  in  due  form,  and  trust  that  the 
acquaintance  will  be  an  interesting  one. 

Constantinople, 

June  10th,  1895. 


Vide  Postscript,  p.  234. 


M.  STAMBULOFF 


CHAPTER  I. 

YOUNG    DAYS. 

Stambuloff's  family — He  is  apprenticed  to  a  tailor — Joins  the  Tirnovo 
revolutionary  committee — Goes  to  Odessa  as  scholar  of  the  Empress 
— Studies  for  the  Priesthood — Is  ejected  from  the  University — ■ 
Returns  to  Bulgaria — Travels  as  a  pedlar — Forms  revolutionary 
committees — Attempts  to  raise  revolt  at  Esky  Zagra— Is  hunted  out 
of  Bulgaria — Starvation  at  Bucharest — Second  attempt  at  revolt — 
Benkovsky  at  Panagurishte — Christo  Karamenko  the  Voivode — An 
adventurous  drive — The  siege  of  Drenovo  Monastery — Stambuloff 
crosses  the  Danube  under  sentry  fire  disguised  as  a  gardener — Joins 
the  Russian  staff  during  the  Servian  War — The  Russo-Turkish  War. 

ON  the  northern  slope  of  the  Balkans,  some  twenty 
kilometres  from  the  Hain  Pass,  lies  the  town  of 
Tirnovo.  At  the  time  of  the  Turkish  domination  it  was 
little  more  than  a  big  village,  but  it  has  since  risen  to 
the  position  of  a  thriving  town.  It  was  there  that  Stepan 
Stambuloff  was  born  on  the  31st  January,  1854.  His 
father  kept  a  small  hotel,  and  earned  a  scanty,  but 
honest,  livelihood,  sufficient  to  keep  and,  in  a  measure, 
to  educate  his  three  children.  M.  Stambuloff's  brother 
has  never  left  Tirnovo,  nor  mixed  in  any  way  in  the  strife 
of  parties.  Devoting  himself  to  business  he  has  amassed 
a  small  fortune,  and  continues  to  live  the  retiring  life  of  a 
well-to-do  merchant.  His  sister  married  Major,  afterwards 
General,  Mutkfiroff,  of  whom  more  will  be  heard  later  on. 

B  17 


i8  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

Stepan  was  sent  at  an  early  age  to  the  communal 
school,  and  remained  there  until  1868,  when  it  was  closed 
by  Midhat  Pasha,  who,  under  his  new  scheme,  was 
planning  the  absorption  of  all  Bulgarian  schools  by  those 
of  the  Turkish  system.  By  this  measure  young  Stam- 
buloff  was  thrown  upon  his  father's  hands,  who,  unwilling 
to  keep  him  idle  at  home,  apprenticed  him  to  a  tailor. 
The  first  seeds  of  revolt  had,  however,  already  been  sown 
in  his  mind.  Amongst  the  visitors  to  the  hotel  was  a 
certain  Captain  Nicola,  of  Silistria,  who  was  secretly 
plotting  an  insurrection  against  the  Turkish  authorities. 

This  adventurer  succeeded  in  collecting  a  band  of 
desperate  men,  and  crossed  the  Balkans  by  the  Shipka 
Pass.  He  was,  however,  met  at  Gabrovo  by  the  Turks, 
and  killed,  whilst  his  band  was  dispersed.  M.  Stambuloff's 
father  was  arrested  on  a  charge  of  complicity,  and  of 
harbouring  the  rebel,  but  for  want  of  proofs  was  released, 
having,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  had  nothing  whatever  to 
do  with  the  plot. 

Meanwhile,  Stambuloff  was  only  working  in  a  very  half- 
hearted fashion  at  his  board.  The  master  tailor,  after  the 
habit  of  his  kind,  was  fond  of  the  bottle,  and  day  after 
day  would  close  his  establishment  by  the  simple  device  of 
folding-to  the  double  shutter,  which  opened  on  to  the 
street,  and  betake  himself  to  the  beer-house.  His  ap- 
prentice profited  by  these  holidays  to  pursue  his  studies. 
As  the  school  was  no  longer  in  existence,  he  frequented 
a  M.  Shishmanoff,  a  master  who  had  arrived  with  a  great 
reputation  fresh  from  Paris.  This  man  preached  the 
solid  advantages  of  learning,  and  of  a  good  education, 
with  such  eloquence  that  Stambuloff  resolved  definitely 


EARL  V  DA  YS. 


19 


to  abandon  tailoring  and  place  himself  under  his  tuition. 
Shishmanoff  also  persuaded  Midhat  Pasha  to  allow  him 
to  open  a  temporary  school  until  the  new  scheme  should 
be  in  working  order,  and  obtained  even  a  subsidy  of 
10,000  piastres  to  start  with.  His  father  was  at  first 
inclined  to  resent  young  Stambuloff's  desertion  from 
trade,  and  threatened  to  turn  him  out  of  doors  if  he  left 
the  tailor,  but  finally  he  consented,  and  gave  in  to  the 
already  masterful  will  of  his  son. 

In  1866,  the  Cretan  insurrection  broke  out,  and 
greatly  moved  the  restless  spirits  in  Bulgaria.  Many 
went  over  and  joined  the  Cretans,  whilst  other  leaders 
commenced  organising  bands  in  Roumania,  who  were  to 
cross  the  frontier,  and  fall  upon  the  Turks  when  the 
proper  moment  arrived.  Unfortunately  for  themselves  they 
appear  to  have  had  very  mistaken  ideas  of  their  oppor- 
tunities, and  almost  invariably  met  with  prompt  defeat 
and  execution  by  the  Turks.  In  1867,  a  Philip  Totid  led 
in  a  band,  which  was  annihilated  by  the  troops,  and  the 
prisoners,  together  with  the  gory  heads  of  the  slain, 
were  brought  into  Tirnovo.  In  1868  a  larger  band  of 
about  150  men,  under  Hadji  Dmitri  and  Karadja,  crossed 
the  Danube  near  Sistov,  and  advanced  upon  Tirnovo, 
where  they  encountered  the  Turks.  The  result  was  seen 
next  morning  in  a  row  of  thirty  trunkless  heads  arranged 
in  line  over  the  portals  of  the  Konak.  These  and  similar 
occurrences  fairly  fired  the  indignation  of  young  Stam- 
buloff,  who  swore  an  oath  that  he  would  never  rest  until 
he  had  freed  his  nation  from  the  rule  of  the  Ottoman 
Porte.  A  first  revolutionary  committee  was  formed  in 
Tirnovo  itself,  under  the  direction  of  a  bookbinder,  and 


20  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

by  affiliating  himself  Stambuloff  took  his  initial  step  in 
rebellion.  They  were,  however,  as  yet,  too  weak  and  too 
inexperienced  to  do  much,  and  contented  themselves  with 
holding  private  meetings,  and  elaborating  great  plans  for 
the  future.  It  was  about  this  time,  in  1869,  that  Shish- 
manoff's  school  subsidy  was  cut  off,  and  he  continued 
merely  to  give  lessons  privately  in  his  own  house  to 
the  most  assiduous  and  devoted  of  his  pupils. 

Needless  to  say  that  Stambuloff  was  found  among  the 
still  faithful,  and  when  the  yearly  examination  was  held, 
he  was  one  of  the  leading  scholars.  As  fate  would  have 
it,  the  Dragoman  of  the  Russian  Consulate  at  Varna,  a 
M.  Nicola  Daskaloff,  happened  to  be  in  Tirnovo  at  the 
time  of  the  examination,  and  by  invitation  was  present. 
The  sight  of  him  inspired  Stambuloff  and  a  few  of  his 
comrades  with  a  bold  idea,  and  the  young  Bulgarians 
waited  to  see  the  Russian  Dragoman,  and  diffidently  put 
forward  a  query  if  it  would  not  be  possible  for  them  to 
obtain  a  better  education  in  Russia  than  was  possible 
under  the  Turks?  M.  Daskaloff  encouraged  them  in 
their  hopes,  and  bade  them  draw  up  a  petition  to  be 
forwarded  to  the  Asiatic  Department  of  St.  Petersburg. 
This  was  in  the  month  of  June,  1869,  and  in  the  autumn 
of  1870,  to  their  inexpressible  delight,  the  petitioners 
received  an  answer  to  the  effect  that  they  were  admitted 
to  the  Odessa  University,  as  scholars  on  the  Foundation 
of  the  Empress  of  Russia.  The  two  years  spent  in 
Odessa  only  served  to  increase  the  determination  and  the 
capacities  of  the  Bulgarian  students  for  the  task  they  had 
set  before  them.  Stambuloff  spent  his  probation  in 
studying  for  the  priesthood,  but  the  unruly  bent  of  his 


EARLY  DAYS,  21 

nature  found  far  more  congenial  converse  in  the  society 
of  the  Nihilists  than  in  that  of  his  spiritual  teachers.  At 
that  period  the  Odessa  University  was  a  perfect  hotbed  of 
Nihilism,  and,  out  of  200  scholars,  there  were  perhaps  not 
more  than  thirty  or  forty  free  from  the  taint.  All  the 
Bulgarians,  panting  for  freedom,  and  intoxicated  with  the 
breadth  and  grandeur  of  the  new  ideas,  threw  themselves 
into  the  arms  of  the  Russian  Nihilists.  Stambuloff,  at 
the  age  of  eighteen,  was  elected  librarian  of  the  party, 
whose  President  was  Kovalsky,  afterwards  killed  in  a 
revolt.  They  met  in  cellars,  and  all  manner  of  pre- 
cautions were  taken,  but  they  failed  to  escape  the  in- 
fallible eye  and  the  merciless  hand  of  the  Secret  Police. 
A  sudden  raid  was  made  upon  the  University,  and  the 
Nihilists  were  arrested  en  bloc.  Short  work  was  made  of 
the  Russians,  and  the  Bulgarians,  as  Turkish  subjects, 
were  given  twenty-four  hours  in  which  to  quit  Russian 
soil.  Stambuloff  was  despatched  to  Galatz,  on  the 
Danube,  from  whence  he  continued  his  journey  to 
Bucharest.  There  he  found  the  headquarters  of  the 
Bulgarian  Revolutionary  Party,  with  a  strong  Central 
Committee  under  Luben  Karave'loff  (uncle  of  the  famous 
Minister)  and  Boteff.  He  at  once  entered  into  the 
closest  relations  with  them,  and  stated  his  readiness  to 
act  under  their  orders.  Accordingly  he  was  sent  back 
again  to  Bulgaria,  where  he  was  as  yet  unsuspected ;  the 
news  of  his  Odessa  escapades  and  of  his  Bucharest 
intrigues  not  having  reached  his  native  town.  Returning 
with  all  the  prestige  of  the  Odessa  University  about  him, 
he  was  offered  by  the  Turks  a  post  as  schoolmaster,  at  a 
hundred  liras  a  year,  but  he  declined  to  hamper  himself 


22  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

with  any  fixed  occupation,  and  commenced  without  delay 
to  re-unite  the  fragments  of  the  revolutionary  faction, 
which  had  been  very  roughly  treated  by  the  Turks  during 
his  absence.  The  two  leaders  had  both  come  to  untimely 
ends.  Vassili  Levsky,  whose  statue  now  stands  in  Sofia, 
at  the  head  of  the  street  named  after  him,  had  finally 
been  caught  by  the  Turks  and  hanged  outside  the  present 
capital.  He  had  succeeded  for  many  months  in  evading 
pursuit,  and  in  inflicting  considerable  annoyance  and  loss 
upon  the  Turks,  and  when  at  length  he  was  captured 
there  was  despair  in  the  hearts  of  the  outlaws.*  Angel 
Kontchefif,  another  resolute  rebel,  had  put  an  end  to 
himself,  at  Rustchuk,  to  avoid  falling  into  the  clutches  of 
his  enemies,  and  so  many  failures,  punished  with  such 
swift  and  inexorable  severity,  had  broken  the  courage  of 
the  patriots.  It  was  indeed  almost  equivalent  to  certain 
death  to  be  caught  conspiring  or  in  arms  against  the 
Porte,  and  Stambuloff  found  himself  at  first  almost 
alone.  After  a  short  search,  though,  he  discovered,  at 
Tirnovo,  Pope  Mattel,  a  priest  who  had  been  intimate 
with  all  Levsky's  plans  and  system  of  propaganda,  and 
who  was  able  to  give  the  emissary  from  Bucharest  much 
valuable  information  as  to  the  districts  where  he  would 
still   find  relics  of    Levsky's   Sub-Committees,   and  men 

*  Levsky's  memory  is  always  revered  as  one  of  the  heroes  of  the 
first  stage  in  Bulgaria's  struggle  for  independence,  and  in  many  a 
peasant's  cottage  is  to  be  seen  a  quaint  coloured  engraving  of  the 
patriot-martyr  standing  upon  a  barrel  under  a  gibbet,  whilst  two 
Turks  astride  on  the  cross-beam  are  adjusting  the  cord  round 
his  neck  ;  a  priest  stands  on  one  side,  and  a  soldier  with  fixed 
bayonet  on  the  other.  In  the  background  is  Mount  Vitosh,  and 
underneath  an  inscription,  Vassili  Levsky.  Hanged  at  Sofia,  6th 
Feb.  iSyj. 


EARL  V  DA  YS.  23 

devoted  to  the  cause.  Stambuloff,  armed  with  the 
authority  of  the  Central  Committee,  instantly  set  about 
re-constituting  and  re-organizing  the  old  Sub-Committees, 
and  forming  new  ones.  He  started  on  his  mission  on 
foot,  but  at  the  village  of  Belocherkovo  the  party  presented 
him  with  a  fine  Arab  horse.  In  order  to  avert  suspicion 
from  the  real  objects  of  his  wanderings  he  pretended  to 
be  a  book-pedlar,  and  having  purchased  a  pair  of  saddle- 
bags, and  filled  them  with  popular  literature,  he  applied 
for  and  obtained  a  licence  as  a  hawker.  He  then  made 
an  extensive  tour,  beginning  at  Sivlivo.  From  thence  he 
went  to  Lovtcha,  where  he  found  a  valuable  ally  in  the 
person  of  M.  Lukanoff  (now  awaiting  his  trial  at  Sofia 
on  an  accusation  of  torturing  the  Beltcheff  murderers). 
From  Lovtcha  to  Philippopolis,  and  Tatar  Bazardjik, 
back  to  Philippopolis,  and  so  to  Kezanlik,  Gabrovo, 
Drenovo,  and  back  to  Tirnovo.  At  all  these  places  he 
exhibited  his  mandate  from  Bucharest,  formed  Sub-Com- 
mittees, who  gave  him  full  powers  to  represent  them  at 
headquarters,  and  in  the  course  of  six  weeks  he  had 
under  his  supervision  about  forty  of  these  secret  societies. 
With  their  professions  of  adherence  in  his  pockets, 
Stambuloff  returned  to  Roumania,  and  gave  an  account 
of  the  success  of  his  mission  as  far  as  it  went.  It  was 
decided  to  do  nothing  rashly,  but  to  prepare  to  strike  at 
the  first  favourable  opportunity.  The  Central  Committee 
gave  Stambuloff  practically  unlimited  authority,  and  sent 
him  back  to  Bulgaria,  at  the  age  of  twenty,  as  their  repre- 
sentative. Before  starting,  he  purchased  forty  revolvers, 
and  instructed  a  candle-seller  named  Goroff  to  smuggle 
them  across  the   Danube  at  Giurgevo.      Owing  to   the 


24  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

weight  of  his  parcels,  however,  Goroff  was  detected,  and 
foolishly  confessed  that  the  revolvers  belonged  to  a 
certain  Stambuloff,  of  Tirnovo.  This  contretemps  made 
it  impossible  for  the  young  leader  to  enter  Tirnovo 
openly.  Consequently  he  crossed  the  Balkans  to  Esky 
Zagra,  and  procured  a  passport  for  himself  as  a  native  of 
that  town.  After  spending  a  few  days  there  he  proceeded 
to  Hermanly,  where  he  found  Radi  Ivanoff  (now  occupy- 
ing a  high  position  in  Sofia)  as  station-master,  and  Zachary 
Stoyanoff  as  pointsman. 

The  Turks  had  meanwhile  traced  Stambuloff's  entry 
into  Bulgaria,  and  were  searching  for  him  very  actively. 
He  was  forced,  therefore,  to  lie  hidden  at  Hermanly, 
living  under  a  woodstack  for  most  of  a  month,  and 
protected  by  his  two  friends.  The  story  of  this  period  of 
the  struggles  of  the  rebels  for  independence  is  charmingly 
told  by  Zachary  Stoyanoff,  in  his  book  of  reminiscences. 
The  friendship  between  him  and  Stambuloff  never  cooled 
to  the  day  of  his  death,  and  he  was  one  of  the  most 
active  colleagues  in  the  movement  from  that  day  onward. 
When  the  coast  was  clear,  Stambuloff  passed  on  to 
Adrianople,  where  he  stayed  at  the  house  of  another 
conspirator,  Ikonomoff,  who  facilitated  his  passage  to 
Constantinople.  On  reaching  the  capital,  he  went  up  to 
Buyukdereh,  and  was  presented  to  General  Ignatieff,  the 
Russian  Ambassador,  by  Christo,  the  well-known  Cavass 
of  the  Sofia  Palace  to-day.  General  Ignatieff  received 
him  well,  encouraged  him  to  persevere,  and  sent  him  on 
to  Odessa  with  a  Russian  passport.  It  is  worthy  of 
remark  that,  after  having  been  expelled  from  Russia  as 
a  Nihilist  and  a  Turkish  subject,  he  should  have  been 


EARL  V  DA  YS.  25 

able,    two   years    later,   to    re-enter    the    empire   with   a 
Russian  passport  delivered  to  him  by  the  Ambassador. 

Without  delaying  in  Odessa,  he  hurried  on  to 
Bucharest,  to  report  himself  to  his  chiefs.  It  was  in 
1875  that  he  entered  Bucharest  for  the  second  time. 
There  he  found  that  a  split  had  taken  place  at  the  top  of 
the  tree.  Luben  Karaveloff,  with  the  older  members, 
was  for  a  Fabian  policy,  whilst  Boteff,  with  the  younger 
and  more  ardent  spirits,  was  for  a  vigorous  pushing  of 
the  "  committee "  system,  to  be  followed  by  immediate 
action.  It  is  easy  to  guess  with  which  side  young 
Stambuloff  threw  in  his  lot,  and  he  founded  a  revolu- 
tionary newspaper,  together  with  Boteff,  called  the  Znameh, 
or  Standard.  He  also  toured  through  Roumania,  recruiting 
for  the  cause,  when  the  insurrection  broke  out  in  Bosnia 
and  Herzegovina.  This  aroused  the  wildest  hopes  amongst 
the  Bulgarian  revolutionaries,  who  resolved  not  to  let  slip 
so  good  a  chance.  The  choice  of  an  emissary,  who  should 
have  the  whole  management  and  responsibility  of  the 
campaign,  fell  at  once  upon  young  Stambuloff.  He  was 
given  full  powers,  and  told  to  pick  out  a  favourable  spot, 
where  the  flag  of  revolt  might  be  unfurled.  He  chose 
Esky  Zagra,  and  started  for  Galatz,  where,  through  the 
influence  of  the  committee,  he  obtained  a  French 
passport,  and  embarked  on  an  Austrian-Lloyd  boat  for 
Constantinople.  On  board  the  same  steamer  were 
Benkovsky  and  Stoyan  Zaimoff,  with  whom  Stambuloff 
conceived   the   audacious  plan  of   his  rising.*     He  left 

*  Another  version  is  that  the  plan,  including  the  burning  of 
Constantinople,  emanated  from  the  Central  Bucharest  Committee, 
and  that  Stambuloff  was  merely  commissioned  to  execute  it. 


26  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

them  behind  at  Constantinople,  with  instructions  that  as 
soon  as  the  insurrection  broke  out  at  Esky  Zagra,  they 
were  to  set  fire  to  Stamboul.  They  actually  made  con- 
siderable preparations  to  this  end,  but  the  course  of  events 
hindered  them  from  putting  their  scheme  into  action. 

Meanwhile  Stambuloff  went  by  train  to  Tirnovo-Semen, 
and  thence  on  foot  to  Esky  Zagra,  which  place  he 
reached  in  the  late  autumn,  in  September.  On  arriving, 
he  sent  word  to  his  trusty  lieutenants,  Zachary  Stoyanoff 
and  Radi  Ivanoff,  to  join  him  from  Hermanly.  The 
reports  sent  in  from  the  various  committees  represented 
five  thousand  men  as  being  ready  to  rise,  and  from 
Tirnovo  alone  two  thousand  were  promised  over  and 
above  the  first  total.  Out  of  these  supposed  seven 
thousand,  Stambuloff  reckoned  upon  at  least  one 
thousand  answering  the  summons,  and  with  that  thou- 
sand he  was  prepared  to  run  the  risk.  He  saw,  though, 
that  there  was  not  by  any  means  the  enthusiasm  he 
would  have  liked  to  meet  with,  and  that  however 
patriotic  his  countrymen  might  be  at  heart,  the  terror  of 
the  Turk  was  heavy  upon  their  arms  and  feet.  Having 
come  to  Esky  Zagra  to  raise  a  revolt,  it  was  not  in 
Stambulofifs  nature  to  be  discouraged  from  making  the 
attempt.  The  night  of  the  6th/ 1 8th  September  was 
fixed,  and  the  places  of  rendezvous  were  two  cemeteries 
on  the  outskirts  of  the  town — Shadir  Moghileh  and  the 
Latin  Cemetery.  The  plan  was,  that  the  assembled 
conspirators  were  to  attack  and  burn  the  town  of  Esky 
Zagra.  Stambuloff,  then  twenty-one  years  of  age,  led  a 
little  band  of  thirty  armed  men  out  to  Shadir  Moghileh 
at    sundown,   and   there  they  waited   the  arrival   of  the 


EARL  V  DA  VS.  27 

hundreds  and  the  thousands  who  had  sworn  to  support 
them.  The  night  was  dark  and  stormy,  and  the  thirty 
waited  through  its  long  hours  till  dawn  began  to  break. 
The  bitter  truth  was  then  evident:  they  were  betrayed, 
and  could  not  return  to  Esky  Zagra.  Their  only 
resource  was  hiding  and  flight.  They  retired  to  a  small 
forest  a  few  miles  out  of  town,  where  they  rested  during 
the  7th.  The  Turkish  soldiery,  however,  were  on  the 
trail,  and  they  fled  to  the  village  of  Hain,  from  whence, 
on  the  third  day,  they  crossed  the  Hain  Pass  of  the 
Balkans — all  that  was  left  of  them,  for  several  had  fallen 
on  the  way.*  The  weather  was  intensely  cold,  and  they 
soon  fell  short  of  provisions.  They  were  only  saved 
from  starvation  by  hunting  down  a  small  herd  of  roe-deer 
in  the  soft  snow.  They  dared  not  shoot,  and  had  to  run 
them  to  a  standstill.  After  enduring  almost  intolerable 
hardships  for  ten  or  twelve  days,  they  decided  to  disperse 
and  make  the  best  of  their  way,  each  wherever  he 
pleased. 

The  last  night  was  a  melancholy  one  for  Stepan  Stam- 
buloff.  Although  it  was  against  the  rules,  they  had  lighted 
a  fire  to  keep  warm,  caring  little  in  their  wretchedness 
what  fate  might  befall  them.  Most  of  his  comrades 
blamed  him  for  precipitating  matters,  and  for  striking 
before  the  hour  was  ripe.  Seated  on  a  carpet  of 
zdravitza  (a  sort  of  heather)  by  the  dying  embers, 
amidst    the   dreary   waste   of    snow,    he   pondered   over 

*  Two  brothers  had  taken  refuge  in  a  cottage,  which  was  sur- 
rounded by  the  Turks.  When  all  their  ammunition  was  exhausted, 
the  younger  brother  wished  to  surrender,  but  the  elder  stabbed  him 
to  the  heart,  and  then  set  fire  to  the  room,  and  perished  in  the 
flames. 


28  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

his  past  life,  so  short  and  yet  so  filled  with  stirring 
memories,  and  he  himself  told  me  that  it  was  then  that 
he  had  his  first  disillusion,  and  shed  his  first  tears  over  the 
faithlessness  of  his  men  and  the  frailty  of  their  promises. 
He  went  further,  and  swore  deeply  to  himself  that  never 
more  would  he  expose  his  life  for  the  sake  of  a  nation 
who  deserted  him  in  his  hour  of  need.  How  often  he 
broke  that  oath  history  tells ;  indeed,  by  next  morning  he 
had  regained  some  of  his  old  confidence.  As  the  sun 
rose  it  looked  on  a  pitiful  spectacle.  The  faithful  few, 
without  money,  food,  or  refuge,  were  met  probably  for  the 
last  time.  They  piled  their  rifles  and  their  flag,  the  flag 
of  so  many  hopes,  in  a  cave,  and  rolled  a  stone  to  the 
mouth  of  it.  Then  they  re-swore  their  vows,  and  with 
prayers  on  their  lips,  and  despair  in  their  hearts,  the 
Bulgarian  patriots  wrung  hands,  and  at  the  Lazofsky 
Pass  went  silently  each  his  own  way. 

Stambuloff  made  for  Tirnovo,  where,  to  his  infinite 
astonishment,  he  found  everything  quiet,  and  the  Turkish 
authorities  ignorant  even  of  the  futile  attempt  at  Esky 
Zagra.  From  Tirnovo  he  went  to  Sistov,  where  he  was 
hospitably  received  by  a  Madame  Zenoff,  whose  brother- 
in-law  took  him  across  the  Danube,  and  he  landed  for  the 
third  time  in  Roumania.  His  reception,  however,  was  a 
cruel  one  in  Bucharest.  His  failure  was  imputed  to  him 
as  the  worst  of  crimes,  and  he  was  practically  outlawed  by 
his  compatriots.  When  he  sat  down  to  a  table  the  rest 
would  rise  and  leave  it,  and  he  was  made  to  drink  the 
uttermost  dregs  of  the  bitterness  of  defeat.  Having  next 
to  no  money  with  him,  he  was  soon  brought  to  the  verge 
of  actual  starvation.      He   was   saved,  however,  by   the 


EARL  V  DA  YS.  29 

advent  of  a  friend,  who  brought  him  a  hundred  liras ; 
but  when  these  were  spent,  he  was  again  for  three  days 
without  food  of  any  sort.  At  last  a  compatriot  had  pity 
on  him,  and  sent  him  to  Giurgevo,  with  a  present  of  ten 
francs.  At  Giurgevo,  he  put  up  at  a  house  named  "  La 
Caserne,"  and  by  degrees  he  got  together  about  fifty 
kindred  souls.  He  now  began,  at  last,  to  receive  money 
and  help  from  Bulgaria,  and  the  tide  seemed  to  be  turn- 
ing. At  "  La  Caserne "  the  irreclaimable  conspirator 
sketched  out  a  new  scheme.  For  revolutionary  purposes 
he  divided  the  whole  of  Bulgaria  into  four  districts, 
Tirnovo,  Slivfto,  Vratza  and  Sofia,  and  Tatar  Bazardjik 
with  PhilippopoHs,  and  the  environs. 

The  Feast  of  Sts.  Cyril  and  Method,  the  nth  of  May, 
was  the  day  fixed  for  the  rising.  On  the  6th  February 
Stambuloff  crossed  the  Danube  once  more,  but  this  time 
it  was  not  an  easy  task.  He  was  condemned  to  death  for 
the  Esky  Zagra  episode,  and  his  portrait  and  description 
was  in  the  hands  of  every  Turkish  post.  Furthermore, 
the  Danube  was  beginning  to  break  up,  and  the  floes  were 
beginning  to  drift  under  nearly  a  foot  of  water  over  their 
surfaces.  It  was,  however,  necessary  to  get  into  Bulgaria, 
and  it  would  be  almost  impossible  to  do  so  later,  in  a 
boat.  The  desperate  attempt  v/as  made  on  the  evening 
of  the  sixth,*  as  I  have  said.     Stambuloff,  with  his  friend, 

*  I  was  frequently  surprised,  in  enquiring  various  details  from 
M.  Stambuloff,  at  the  extraordinary  accuracy  of  his  memory, 
especially  for  dates,  which  I  invariably  found  to  be  correct  in 
comparison  with  documents,  Blue  Books,  etc.  On  my  expressing 
curiosity  as  to  how  he  could  recollect  such  a  date  as  this,  he 
replied  that  there  "are  some  dates  which  last  as  long  as  memory 
itself.      The  date   of   a   day  or   night,   when   you   expected   every 


30  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

the  Voivode  Christo  Karamenko,  were  dressed  as  Turkish 
gardeners,  with  the  usual  broad  red  sashes.  Unwinding 
these,  and  knotting  them  together,  thej-  tied  one  end  to 
the  guide  in  front,  and  the  other  to  the  waist  of  the 
Voivode,  Stambuloff  being  placed  in  the  middle.  The 
water  was  bitterly,  icily  cold,  and  the  passage  hazardous 
in  the  extreme ;  but  the  adventurous  trio  effected  it 
safely  in  about  an  hour.  On  the  opposite  bank  they 
were  met  by  the  Dragoman  of  the  Russian  Consulate, 
who  conveyed  them,  in  a  cart,  to  the  house  of  a  fine 
old  lady,  known  as  Baba  Tonka  Obre't'ena'a,  both  of 
whose  sons  joined  the  rebels,  and  paid  the  usual  price 
later  on.* 

After  a  day  or  two  at  Rustchuk,  Stambuloff  decided 
to  go  to  Tirnovo,  taking  Christo  Karamenko  with  him. 
They  first  thought  of  riding,  but  finally  preferred  the 
"Shirket,"  a  sort  of  local  post  service.  The  journey  was 
a  very  risky  one,  as  both  of  the  travellers  were  pretty 
well  known,  but  they  disguised  themselves,  and  bought 
a  cask  of  brandy  to  "make  the  horses  go  faster,"  by 
intoxicating  the  driver.  Karamenko  feigned  illness,  and 
wrapped  himself  up  in  bundles  of  shawls,  and  Stambuloff 
pretended  to  be  his  nephew.  They  reckoned  on  reach- 
ing Tirnovo  in  nine  hours,  and  set  off  at  nightfall.  The 
brandy,  unfortunately,  was  too  strong,  or  the  driver's  head 
too  weak,  and  after  going  a  few  miles  he  rolled  off  his 

moment  to  be  your  last,  is  not  easily  effaced.  And  the  joy  of 
escaping  from  some  imminent  deadly  peril  is  to  me  incomparable  to 
any  ordinary  sweet  or  delight.  I  have  had  that  joy  several  times, 
but  I  never  felt  it  more  keenly  than  when  I  left  the  ice  for  dry  land 
that  night." 

*  A  third  son,  M.  Kola  Obretenoff,  is  now  Prefect  of  Rustchuk. 


EARLY  DAYS.  31 

box  into  the  mud;  Stambuloff  then  had  to  take  the  reins. 
Anybody  who  has  tried  to  drive  Balkan  ponies  knows  how 
loth  they  are  to  obey  an  unfamiliar  hand,  and  this 
obstinacy  on  the  part  of  the  horses,  joined  to  ignorance  of 
the  road,  so  delayed  the  refugees  that  it  took  them  twelve 
hours  to  reach  Biela,  which  was  only  half-way.  Not 
without  difficulty  they  managed  to  elude  the  police,  who 
would  inevitably  have  recognised  Karamenko,  had  they  not 
been  persuaded  to  refrain  from  disturbing  the  slumbers  of 
a  sick  man,  and  taking  fresh  horses  and  another  driver  they 
continued  their  route,  reaching  the  outskirts  of  Tirnovo 
about  three  o'clock  the  following  afternoon.  As  they 
dared  not  enter  the  town,  they  astonished  the  "Shirket" 
coachman  by  saying  that  they  would  go  to  the  Monastery, 
which  stood  hard  by,  in  order  to  obtain  the  necessary 
care  and  comforts  for  the  invalid.  Luckily  for  them 
his  suspicions  were  not  aroused,  and  he  allowed  them 
to  leave  unmolested.  The  fugitives  made  for  the  forests 
which  surround  Tirnovo,  and  there  they  stayed  for 
two  days,  entering  the  town  themselves  by  night,  and 
being  visited  during  the  day  by  their  partisans.  Amongst 
these  was  Benkovsky,  who,  upon  the  failure  of  the  Esky 
Zagra  plot,  had  come  on  from  Constantinople.  He  had 
already  assumed  rather  a  leading  position,  and  begged 
Stambuloff  to  use  him  as  an  "Apostle" — the  title 
given  to  the  revolutionaries  in  whom  the  chiefs  re- 
posed their  confidence,  and  vested  in  a  large  measure 
their  authority.  At  first  Stambuloff  hesitated,  as  he 
knew  comparatively  little  of  Benkovsky,  but  yielding 
to  his  solicitations,  he  sent  the  new  man  to  Pana- 
gurishte.       There      Benkovsky     soon     proved     himself 


32  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

superior   in    resource   and  energy  to  all  the  others  put 
together.* 

The  conspirators  still  adhered  to  the  original  date  of 
the  nth  May,  fixed  at  Rustchuk,  and  Gorni  Orekhovitsa, 
a  few  kilometres  from  Tirnovo,  was  pitched  upon  as 
the  headquarters  for  the  Central  Committee  for  all 
Bulgaria.  Orekhovitsa  was  occupied  by  Stambuloff,  with 
about  two  thousand  men  in  the  village,  and  lurking 
amongst  the  forests  in  the  neighbourhood,  but  the  Turks 
got  wind  of  something  unusual,  and  marched  four 
battalions  of  troops  through  Orekhovitsa  and  on  to  Sistov. 
The  sight  of  the  soldiery  took  half  the  courage  out  of 
the  rebels,  and,  whilst  they  were  hesitating,  news  reached 
them  that  Benkovsky  had  been  forced  by  the  Turks  to 
defend  himself  at  Panagurishte,  and  thus  for  the  second 
time  the  revolt  had  begun  before  preparations  were  com- 
pleted. Most  conflicting  rumours  came  from  Benkovsky's 
district,  but  it  was  clear  that  there  was  no  longer  any 
possibility  of  delaying  the  movement.  Christo  Kara- 
menko  advanced  upon  the  Monastery  of  Drenovo,  which 
he  took  and  fortified,  and  Stambuloff  was  marching  to 
join  him  when  he  met  the  Turks  in  force  laying  siege 
to  Christo.     He  therefore  retreated  for   a  few  miles  to 

*  Amongst  the  Volunteers  was  a  certain  Slavkoff,  who  was  nearly 
seven  feet  high,  and  big  in  proportion.  Stambuloff  refused  to  enrol 
him,  saying  that  he  was  too  conspicuous,  and  if  once  he  were 
suspected  he  would  be  too  easy  to  trace,  besides  compromising 
others.  Nevertheless,  Slavkoff  continued  to  mix  in  the  intrigues, 
and  as  Stambuloff  would  not  keep  him  at  Tirnovo,  he  went  to 
the  Vratza  district.  Here  he  was  promptly  arrested  as  soon  as  he 
arrived,  which  undoubtedly  saved  his  life,  as  he  had  not  yet  had 
time  to  commit  any  very  serious  offence. 


EARL  V  DA  YS.  33 

watch  the  progress  of  events.  On  the  night  of  the  ist 
May,  a  terrific  snow  and  hail  storm  came  on,  accom- 
panied with  thunder  and  hghtning.  Under  cover  of 
the  elements,  Karamenko,  with  his  two  hundred,  made 
a  sortie,  and,  with  fifty  of  his  men,  cut  his  way  through 
the  Turks,  and  effected  a  junction  with  Stambuloff, 
leaving  one  hundred  and  fifty  dead  behind.  The 
skulls  of  these  desperate  rebels  may  be  seen  to-day  in 
the  Monastery  of  Drenovo.  Shortly  after  this,  Stam- 
buloff's  scouts  arrested  five  men  armed  with  rifles,  who 
declared  that  they  were  the  relics  of  the  Panagurisht^ 
band.  They  presented  a  pitiful  appearance,  being 
mere  skin  and  bone,  and  in  the  last  stage  of  exhaustion. 
They  said  that  it  was  on  the  20th  April  that  they  were 
attacked  by  the  Turks,  that  they  had  fought  for  four 
days,  but  in  the  end  were  utterly  routed  and  cut  down. 
Benkovsky  himself  had  been  caught  by  the  troops  at 
Ichtiman,  and  shot.  His  two  lieutenants,  Voloff  and 
Ikonomoff,  had  actually  reached  the  Danube,  when  the 
pursuit  drew  so  close  that  they  were  compelled  to 
jump  into  a  half-rotten  boat,  which  foundered  in  the 
middle  of  the  swollen  stream,  and  they  were  both 
drowned.  * 

Thus  the  next  venture  of  the  patriots  had  met  with  no 
better  luck  than  the  first  one;  indeed,  the  consequences 
were  more  disastrous.     The  Turkish  authorities  were  now 


*  For  further  details  of  the  guerilla  warfare  carried  on  by  Stambu- 
loff and  Zachary  Stoyanoff,  who  were  the  popular  leaders  from  the 
commencement,  the  student  should  refer  to  the  latter's  volumes  of 
memoirs,  which  are  as  full  of  dramatic  interest  as  any  work  of 
fiction. 


34  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

thoroughly  on  the  alert,  and  determined  to  put  down 
the  slightest  revolutionary  movement  most  mercilessly. 
The  Bulgarians  themselves  were  discouraged,  and  would 
no  longer  shelter  the  refugees,  and  the  patriots  repeatedly 
found  themselves  betrayed  by  their  own  countrymen. 
Zachary  Stoyanoff,  in  his  account  of  these  times,  declares 
that  in  no  single  instance  was  one  of  the  outlaws 
betrayed  to  the  police  or  to  the  troops  by  a  Turk, 
though  they  were  often  obliged  to  have  recourse  to 
Mussulman  peasants  for  food  and  shelter.  On  the  con- 
trary, the  Turk,  if  forced  to  do  so,  would  provide  as 
best  he  could  for  his  guests,  but  would  generally  refuse 
payment  for  service  unwiUingly  rendered,  and  scorned 
to  betray  them  ;  whereas  it  is  sad  to  relate  that  cases 
were  not  few  in  which  Bulgarians  gave  the  information 
which  led  to  seizure  and  death. 

It  would  be  superfluous  to  enlarge  upon  this  period  of 
Bulgarian  history.  Enough  has  been  said  to  show  the 
leading  part  already  taken,  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-one, 
by  Stambuloff,  whose  imperious  spirit  and  indomitable 
courage  and  energy  seem  to  have  marked  him  from  the 
first  as  the  natural  champion  of  Bulgarian  independence. 
The  extraordinary  influence  and  power  of  command  over 
the  most  unruly  material  which  he  has  shown  throughout 
his  career  first  manifested  itself  in  his  contests  with  the 
Turks.  Often  thrown  over  by  his  self-elected  chiefs, 
abandoned  by  his  subordinates,  and  with  apparently 
not  a  vestige  of  hope  left  to  him,  he  never  wavered  in 
his  purpose,  but  pursued  his  ends  with  the  persistency 
and  patience  of  a  sleuth-hound. 

The   situation    in  which  he   now   found    himself  was 


EARL  V  DA  VS.  35 

one  of  the  most  critical  in  his  hfe.  For  the  moment 
there  was  nothing  more  to  be  done  in  Bulgaria,  and 
he  cast  about  him  for  the  means  of  escaping  with  his 
head  on  his  shoulders.  After  several  adventures  he 
reached  Sistov,  on  the  Danube.  There  he  noticed 
Turkish  sentries  every  hundred  yards  or  so  along  the 
shores.  Choosing  the  best  spot  he  could,  he  arranged 
for  a  boat  with  four  rowers  to  come  over  from  the 
Roumanian  side  and  fetch  him.  The  stroke  oar  was 
to  have  a  white  handkerchief  bound  round  his  fez.  The 
refugees — there  were  four  of  them,  dressed  as  Turks — 
lounged  about  in  eager  expectation  of  the  arrival  of 
the  boat.  The  shades  of  night  were  already  falling 
before  it  stole  out  into  mid-stream,  and  it  was  not  until 
it  was  within  a  few  yards  that  the  white  handkerchief 
was  distinguishable.  Till  then  the  refugees  had  not 
dared  to  make  a  move  towards  the  water's  edge. 
They  now  tumbled  helter-skelter  over  the  bows  in  spite 
of  the  shouts  of  the  Turkish  picket,  and  bending  to 
the  oars,  the  crew  were  soon  well  on  their  way  back, 
when  the  sentries  opened  fire  upon  them.  In  the 
uncertain  light,  however,  no  harm  was  done,  and  for 
the  fourth  time  Stambuloff  reached  the  hospitable  soil 
of  Roumania. 

In  Bucharest  he  found  the  greatest  excitement  aroused 
by  the  outbreak  of  the  Turko-Servian  War.  Volunteers 
were  flocking  in  to  the  Servian  camp,  and  Stambuloff  at 
once  enlisted  as  Secretary  to  General  Kishevsky,  in 
which  capacity  he  saw  some  of  the  fighting  of  that  brief 
campaign. 

Amongst   other   projects,    was    one   for   an    attack  on 


36  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

Tultcha,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Danube.  The  Russian 
Government  were  to  furnish  four  ships  for  the  Bulgarian 
refugees  to  man,  and  the  Russian  Generals,  Fadeeff  and 
Kishevsky,  were  to  have  commanded.  Stambulofif  went 
to  Odessa  to  arrange  for  this  mad  scheme  with  General 
Gortchakoff,  the  Commandant  of  the  town,  and  he  agreed 
to  give  the  steamers.  The  Emperor  Alexander  II.,  how- 
ever, nipped  their  hopes  in  the  bud,  by  telling  his  two 
Generals  that  it  was  no  business  of  theirs  to  lead  such  an 
expedition,  which  was  nothing  more  than  taking  lambs  to 
slaughter,  and  was  sure  to  end  in  disaster. 

The  Servian  War  was  shortly  followed  by  the  Russo- 
Turkish  War. 

The  Bulgarians  formed  two  Committees  at  Bucharest — 
the  Old  Committee  under  Georgieff,  and  the  New  Com- 
mittee under  Kyriak  (the  uncle  of  Dragan)  Zankoff. 
This  Young  Committee,  on  which  sat  Stambulofif,  issued 
a  circular,  enjoining  upon  all  members  and  affilies  of  sub- 
committees to  disband  and  enlist  forthwith  in  the  Russian 
contingent  for  Bulgarian  emigrants,  which  was  being 
formed  at  Ploeshty.  This  circular,  for  which  Stambulofif 
was  held  responsible,  nearly  led  to  a  rupture  between 
him  and  General  Skobelefif,  owing  to  a  distorted  German 
translation  of  it,  which  was  printed  by  the  Old  Committee. 
The  general  result  was  that  all  the  old  system  of 
Committees,  which  had  cost  so  much  labour  and  blood- 
shed, was  broken  up,  and  the  band  were  amalgamated 
as  volunteers  in  the  Russian  Army.  It  must  not  how- 
ever be  forgotten  that  it  was  through  them  that  the 
attention  of  Europe  was  first  called  to  the  condition  of 
the  Christian  population  of  Bulgaria,  and  the  massacres 


EARL  Y  DA  YS.  37 

which  led  to  the  war  were  the  vengeance  of  Turkey  on 
the  Committees  and  their  helpers.* 

*  The  massacres  of  Batak  were  probably  no  worse  than  those  which 
took  place  at  Panagurishte,  Tatar  Bazardjik,  and  elsewhere,  but  the 
village  being  out  of  the  way,  perhaps  less  pains  were  taken  to 
conceal  the  corpses  and  other  traces.  At  Batak  the  insurgents 
had  been  induced  to  come  in  by  a  promise  of  pardon,  and  were 
then  put  to  the  sword.  When  the  Turkish  High  Commissioner 
arrived,  and  saw  what  had  happened,  he  remarked  to  Tussoon  Bey, 
''  How  much  has  Russia  paid  you  for  this  work  ?  Do  you  know  that 
this  is  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  the  Ottoman  Empire  ?  " 


CHAPTER    II. 

ENTRANCE    UPON    PUBLIC    LIFE. 

Stambuloff  is  elected  Deputy  for  Tirnovo — Begins  organising  revolu- 
tionary bands  in  Macedonia — His  opinion  of  the  Macedonians^ 
The  First  and  Second  Chambers — Election  of  Prince  Alexander — 
Stambuloff  sets  up  in  practice  as  a  lawyer — Four  Cabinets  in  one 
year — Zankoff  as  Premier,  and  Stambuloff  Vice-President  of  the 
Chamber — Zankoff  falls  by  Russian  intrigues — The  Septennate — 
M.  Hitrovo  and  the  Liberals — Stambuloff's  telegram  to  Hitrovo — 
Zankoff  turns  his  coat  and  becomes  Russophil — Russian  proposals 
to  M.  Stambuloff  to  get  rid  of  the  Prince — Stambuloff  in  bed  and 
his  visitors  —  Machiavelli  on  revolutions  —  The  state  of  affairs  in 
Eastern  Roumelia. 

IN  the  preceding  short  review  of  the  troublous  times 
which  paved  the  way  for  Bulgarian  independence,  the 
leading  part  played  by  Stambuloff  and  his  immediate 
friends  and  followers  stands  out  in  bold  rehef. 

The  revolt  at  Esky  Zagra  in  1875,  at  Tirnovo,  at 
Panagurishte,  and  finally  that  at  Koprishtitza,  which  pro- 
voked the  massacres,  were  all  the  work  of  the  Young 
Bulgarian  Party,  acting  entirely  upon  their  own  initiative 
and  responsibility.  The  popular  idea,  that  the  Party  was 
encouraged  morally  and  supported  financially  by  Russia, 
is  a  mistaken  one.  Up  to  the  commencement  of  the 
Servian  War,  the  Bulgarians  had  not  received  one  copeck 
from  Russia.  Their  Committees  and  their  Bands  were 
formed  and  maintained  out  of  their  own  resources,  and 
the  successive  revolts  were  planned  and  raised  without 
the  knowledge  of  Russia. 

38 


ENTRANCE   UPON  PUBLIC  LIFE.  39 

Later  on  it  is  true  that  the  Slav  Committees  in  Peters- 
burg, Moscow,  and  Odessa,  seeing  their  opportunity, 
assisted  the  struggling  patriots  very  heartily,  but  it  was 
not  until  the  hand  of  the  Russian  Government  had  been 
forced  by  the  clamour  of  Europe,  and  especially  by  the 
cry  raised  by  English  philanthropists  in  London. 

I  will  pass  briefly  over  the  war,  whose  incidents  have 
been  often  and  well  described  elsewhere.  As  is  known 
to  every  schoolboy,  it  terminated  by  the  appearance  of 
the  British  Fleet  before  the  Dardanelles,  and  the  signature 
of  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano,  by  which  instrument 
Eastern  Roumelia  was  treated  as  an  integral  part  of 
Bulgaria  ;  and  naturally  Stambuloff  was  elected  deputy  for 
his  native  town  of  Tirnovo.  The  Roumelians,  overjoyed 
at  their  new-found  liberty,  got  up  an  address  to  the 
Emperor  of  Russia,  expressing  their  unbounded  grati- 
tude for  their  deliverance ;  and  Stambuloff,  with  some 
of  his  fellow-deputies,  was  chosen  to  convey  this  giant 
address,  to  which  were  appended  more  than  250,000 
signatures  from  every  town  and  village  in  Bulgaria  and 
Macedonia,  through  Adrianople  to  San  Stefano. 

Before  they  reached  the  camp,  however,  they  received 
the  news  that  the  Treaty  had  been  denounced,  and  that 
a  Conference  had  been  summoned  to  meet  in  Berlin. 
The  Conference  resulted  in  the  celebrated  Treaty  which 
left  Macedonia  and  Roumelia  under  Turkish  rule.  This, 
as  may  be  imagined,  was  a  crushing  and  cruel  blow  to 
the  hopes  of  the  unhappy  inhabitants,  many  of  whom 
declared  that  they  would  never  again  submit  to  the 
dominion  of  the  Crescent. 

Amongst    the    most     active    malcontents     Stambuloff 


40  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

quickly  took  a  foremost  position,  and  began  his  old 
system  of  forming  Committees,  a  business  in  which  he 
was  now  proficient  beyond  rivalry.  He  directed  his 
attention  principally  to  Macedonia,  and  after  a  few 
months  spent  as  a  schoolmaster,  he  was  chosen  by  a 
number  of  Committees  to  go  into  Macedonia  as  their 
representative.     This  was  in  November,  1878. 

Just  within  the  borders  of  that  province  he  established 
a  species  of  small  duchy,  or  kingdom,  where  he  reigned 
in  conjunction  with  the  Metropolitan  Michael  (who  is 
at  the  present  moment  Bishop  of  Philippopolis),  and 
they  never  tired  of  organizing  and  sending  out  armed  bands 
to  overrun  the  country.  But  the  Turkish  gendarmerie 
and  regulars  slowly  and  relentlessly  exterminated  one 
band  after  another,  and  a  great  discontent  arose,  much 
of  which  was  directed  against  Stambuloff  himself.  He 
also  grew  to  dislike  the  Macedonians  on  account  of 
their  treachery,  and  want  of  any  real  sense  of  patriotism 
and  honour,  never  feeling  sure  when  he  lay  down  at  night 
whether  he  would  rise  next  morning,  and  being  aware  that 
almost  any  Macedonian,  if  he  found  the  chance,  would 
murder  him  in  order  to  secure  the  reward  on  his  head. 
This  life  could  not  last  very  long,  and  though  in  after 
years  Stambuloff  worked  hard  for  Macedonia,  he  always 
retained  a  strong  contempt  and  antipathy  for  the  people 
of  whom  he  had  had  so  unpleasant  an  experience.  He 
was  delighted  to  be  recalled  in  the  early  summer  of  1879 
to  take  his  seat  in  the  Chamber  which  was  meeting  at 
Tirnovo,  one  of  its  main  objects  being  to  protest  against 
the  Treaty  of  Berlin. 

This  Chamber  consisted  of  two  classes  of  Deputies,  the 


ENTRANCE    UPON  PUBLIC  LIFE.  41 

one  chosen  by  the  people,  the  other  nominated  by  Prince 
Dondukoif  Korsakoff,  the  Russian  High  Commissioner. 
He  was  then  busy  in  drawing  up  the  Bulgarian  Constitu- 
tion, but  he  refused  to  permit  Deputies  from  Roumeha  or 
Macedonia  to  have  any  voice  in  the  matter,  and  this  first 
Chamber  was  really  nothing  more  than  a  fiction.  It  was 
quickly  dissolved  in  favour  of  a  second  one,  which  unani- 
mously elected  Prince  Alexander  of  Battenberg  as  Prince 
of  Bulgaria,  and  decreed  the  elections  for  the  Legislative 
Chamber.  During  this  short  year  of  1879  Bulgaria  was 
born  again,  and  endowed  with  all  the  institutions  of  a 
full-fledged  State,  without  having  in  reality  any  men  with 
the  slightest  knowledge  or  experience  for  the  posts  they 
were  called  upon  to  fill.  The  Turkish  Mehkemehs,  or 
Courts,  were  abolished,  and  a  new  set  of  Tribunals 
established  with  a  new  Code,  based,  it  is  true,  upon  the 
old  Ottoman  one,  and  judges  and  lawyers  sprang  into 
existence  with  no  qualifications  beyond  inborn  sharpness. 
This  was  Stambuloff's  opportunity.  Having  a  ready 
tongue  and  a  wide  popularity,  he  at  once  began  to 
practise  as  a  lawyer.  During  the  elections  many  of  his 
friends  fell  into  trouble  for  disturbing  the  peace,  and  he 
offered  to  defend  them  before  the  Tribunals.  He  met 
with  great  success,  and  decided  to  follow  seriously  a 
profession  which  promised  to  be  extremely  lucrative. 
Setting  up  at  Tirnovo,  his  practice  soon  extended,  and 
from  that  date  until  he  assumed  the  Regency  he  was 
known  as  the  cleverest  and  most  acute  lawyer  in  Bul- 
garia. This  did  not  prevent  him  from  taking  part  in 
political  life,  but  for  several  years  he  kept  comparatively 
quiet,   and    simply    occupied    his   place   as    Deputy   for 


42  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

Tirnovo.  There  were  already  two  distinct  parties  in 
Bulgaria,  the  Liberals  and  Conservatives,  the  former 
being  especially  a  Bulgarian  or  Patriotic  Party,  and  the 
latter  very  Russian  in  its  proclivities.  It  is  needless  to 
say  that  Stambuloff  belonged  to  the  Liberals. 

Prince  Alexander  having  come  to  Bulgaria  as  a 
Russian  nominee,  enjoying  the  full  favour  and  confidence 
of  the  Czar,  very  naturally  chose  his  first  Cabinet  from 
the  Conservatives.  M.  Bourmoff  was  elected  Premier, 
with  MM.  Natchevitch  and  Gre'koff  as  Ministers  for 
Foreign  Affairs  and  Interior.  Under  this  Cabinet  the 
first  elections  for  the  Legislative  Chamber  were  held 
quite  freely,  without  force  or  pressure  being  brought  to 
bear  upon  the  electors.  The  result  was  that,  out  of  one 
hundred  and  sixty  seats,  the  Liberals  gained  one  hundred 
and  thirty,  and  their  first  motion  in  the  Chamber  was  one 
of  want  of  confidence.  They  also,  however,  committed 
the  mistake  of  angering  the  Prince  by  addressing  him  in 
their  answer  to  the  Speech  from  the  Throne,  as  Serene 
Highness  instead  of  Royal  Highness,  and  he,  being 
thoroughly  disgusted  with  the  whole  Chamber,  imime- 
diately  dissolved  it.  At  the  same  time  he  changed  his 
Ministry  and  formed  a  new  Cabinet,  with  the  Metropoli- 
tan Clement  as  Premier.  It  may  seem  strange  to  our 
notions  that  in  the  present  century  a  prelate  should  be  a 
Prime  Minister  under  a  Constitutional  regime^  but  in 
Bulgaria,  from  first  to  last,  the  clergy  were  active  factors 
in  politics,  and  Clement  was  more  of  a  statesman  than 
a  priest.  His  sympathies  then  were  and  have  always 
remained  with  the  Russians,  and  the  choice  of  the  Prince 
was    a    perfectly    legitimate    one.      MM.    Grekoff    and 


THE  COUNTESS  HARTENAU 

{IViiiow  p/  the  late  Prmce  Alexander). 


THE    LATE    PRINCE    ALEXANDER. 


ENTRANCE    UPON  PUBLIC  LIFE.  43 

Natchevitch  remained,  as  did  also  General  Barantzoff, 
the  Russian  Minister  of  War.  The  second  elections 
were  held,  but  they  resulted  in  an  even  greater  majority 
for  the  Liberals,  and  unless  the  Constitution  was  to  be- 
come a  dead  letter,  it  was  necessary  to  listen  to  the  voice 
of  the  nation,  and  form  a  Liberal  Ministry.  With  great 
reluctance,  Prince  Alexander  found  himself  forced  to  call 
upon  Dragan  Zankoff,  then  a  prominent  Liberal  and 
Russophobe,  to  construct  the  Cabinet.  The  second 
Legislative  Chamber,  convoked  in  the  spring  of  1880, 
elected  Stambuloff  as  Vice-President.  As  may  easily  be 
imagined,  the  Prince  and  the  Russian  Party  were  at  con- 
tinual strife  with  the  Minister  and  the  Chamber,  and 
feelings  ran  high.  Stambuloff  seems,  nevertheless,  to 
have  managed  at  this  period  to  preserve  in  a  large  degree 
the  friendship  and  confidence  of  both  sides.  It  was  on 
the  advent  of  the  Liberals  to  power  that  the  hopes  of 
Eastern  Roumelia  were  raised  again,  and  deputations 
began  to  flock  in,  begging  Bulgaria  to  accept  a  union. 
In  support  of  their  request,  they  affirmed  that  they  were 
ready  to  furnish  from  fifty  to  a  hundred  thousand  armed 
fighting  men,  the  rifles  being  provided  from  the  stock 
given  by  General  Skobeleff  to  his  so-called  Gymnastic 
Societies.* 

As  Stambuloff  was  considered  by  far  the  best  authority 
on  such  subjects.  Prince  Alexander  sent  for  him,  and 
asked  for  his  advice.     I  note  this  because  the  question 

*  These  societies  were  established  all  over  Eastern  Roumelia  by 
General  Skobeleff  for  the  purpose  of  drill  and  general  instruction  in 
military  service,  and  a  large  consignment  of  arms,  the  exact  quantity 
of  which  was  never  accurately  known,  was  presented  by  him  to  the 
Societies. 


44  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

has  often  been  raised  of  how  far  the  Prince  was  cognizant 
of  the  Roumelian  movement,  and  it  is  clear  that  he  knew 
of  its  existence  even  from  the  first.  Stambuloff,  with  the 
bitter  experience  of  the  past  still  fresh  in  his  memory, 
declared  that  he  must  go  to  the  spot  and  convince 
himself  of  the  actual  state  of  preparation  for  such  a  step, 
before  he  would  venture  to  give  an  opinion.  Accordingly 
he  and  M.  Givkoff  (since  Minister  of  Finance  at  Sofia) 
were  sent  by  the  Prince  as  Bulgarian  delegates  to  a 
mass  meeting  held  at  Slivno  by  the  agitators  for  a  Union. 
What  they  saw  there,  however,  did  not  satisfy  them  that 
the  plot  was  ripe,  and  they  returned  to  report  in  that 
sense,  in  consequence  of  which  the  matter  dropped  for 
the  moment,  as  far  as  Sofia  was  concerned. 

The  Government  meanwhile  was  being  carried  on  in 
a  quarrelsome  manner.  General  Barantzoff  had  been 
replaced  by  General  Ernroth  as  War  Minister,  and  the 
latter  was  in  open  disagreement  with  his  Premier,  Zankoff. 
There  were  many  radical  reasons  for  this,  but  the  overt 
pretext  was  a  question  concerning  the  Danube  Com- 
mission. The  Bulgarians  had  sent  a  delegate,  and 
Dragan  Zankoff,  in  the  presence  of  General  Ernroth, 
informed  the  Austrian  Minister  that  he  had  instructed 
his  delegate  to  work  in  harmony  with  and  support  his 
colleague  from  Vienna.  Events  proved  either  that  no 
such  instructions  had  ever  been  given,  or  that  the 
Bulgarian  delegate  snapped  his  fingers  at  them,  as  he 
systematically  opposed  the  Austrian.  General  Ernroth 
and  the  Austrian  Minister  thereupon  accused  Zankoff  of 
bad  faith,  and  used  their  influence  with  Prince  Alexander 
so  successfully  that  Zankoff  was  driven  out  of  office,  and 


ENTRANCE    UPON  PUBLIC  LIFE.  45 

the  Premiership  was  given  to  Karaveloff,  this  being  the 
fourth  Cabinet  formed  in  the  course  of  one  year.  At  this 
period  Zankoff  was  a  rabid  Russophobe,  and  it  was  now 
that  he  made  his  famous  declaration  that  he  wanted 
"  neither  Russia's  honey,  nor  her  sting." 

In  the  beginning  of  1881  Prince  Alexander  had  es- 
tranged the  sympathies  of  the  Bulgarians  to  an  alarming 
degree,  by  his  open  dislike  of  the  Liberal  or  National 
Party.  In  fact  so  far  had  he  gone  in  expressing  his 
mistrust  and  contempt  of  those  who  were  undoubtedly 
the  representatives  of  the  popular  will  at  that  time,  that  it 
was  evidently  impossible  for  them  to  work  together.  He 
saw  all  the  faults  of  the  Liberals  and  judged  them  by  too 
high  a  standard,  according  to  which  they  fell  lamentably 
short  of  his  ideal  of  statesmen.  His  fancy  was  that  he 
was  far  better  able  to  govern  Bulgaria  by  himself  than  any 
of  the  comparatively  untutored  Deputies  and  Ministers 
who  were  perpetually  putting  stumbling-blocks  in  his  way. 
Accordingly  he  decided  at  one  fell  swoop  to  do  away  with 
the  Opposition,  and  in  conjunction  with  MM.  Stoiloff 
and  Natche'vitch  he  planned  the  Coup  d' etat  oi  \\\.t  27th 
April,  1 88 1,  by  which  he  suspended  the  Constitution, 
turned  out  the  Ministry,  and  named  the  Russian,  General 
Ernroth,  as  his  Premier.  Arrangements  were  made  for 
a  Great  Sobranje,  or  National  Assembly,  which,  upon 
meeting,  was  to  approve  and  confirm  the  election  of 
Alexander  as  Prince  of  Bulgaria,  and  to  confer  upon  him 
the  power  of  governing  irresponsibly  by  himself  for  the 
space  of  seven  years.  This  project  met  with  a  stubborn 
resistance  from  the  Liberals,  but  the  elections  were  no 
longer    free.      At    every   electoral    urn  was   stationed  a 


46  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

Russian  Commissary — an  officer  in  uniform,  who  interro- 
gated each  elector  with  the  query,  "  Are  you  for  the 
Prince,  or  against  him  ? "  He  then  examined  the 
bulletin,  and,  if  unfavourable,  tore  it  up,  and  substituted 
one  bearing  the  name  of  the  Government  candidate. 
These  officers  were  styled  popularly  "  Kniajevsky 
Kommissary,"  or,  "  The  Commissioners  of  the  Prince." 
Just  before  the  elections  Prince  Alexander  made  an 
electoral  tour  in  company  with  M.  Hitrovo,  the  Russian 
Minister,  and  in  its  course  he  frequently  passed  under 
arches  inscribed,  "  Long  live  the  Constitution,"  which 
he  was  suspending,  and  received  hundreds  of  petitions 
against  his  project,  but  he  refused  to  entertain  any 
opposition.  There  were  only  three  towns  in  which  the 
"  Commissary "  failed  in  his  mission.  At  Plevna  he 
was  beaten,  and  narrowly  escaped  being  burnt  alive ;  at 
Nikopolis  he  was  thrown  into  the  Danube,  and  at  Tirnovo 
he  was  compelled  to  look  quietly  on  at  the  election  of  the 
Opposition  candidate.  The  result  was,  that  of  the 
Liberals,  only  Slaveykoff,  Karave'loff,  Sarapoff,  and 
Zankoff  were  elected,  these  being  the  only  candidates 
freely  balloted  for.  The  result  may  be  foreseen.  The 
National  Assembly,  packed  with  nominees  elected  by 
force,  met  at  Sistoff,  and  in  July,  1881,  passed  the 
project  of  the  Septennate  in  less  than  ten  minutes, 
without  opposition. 

The  Prince  had  refused  to  visit  Tirnovo  on  his  tour, 
and  so  M.  Hitrovo  came  alone  to  that  town.  On 
reaching  his  quarters  he  summoned  all  the  notables,  and 
enquired  of  them  their  reasons  for  opposing  the  seven- 
years'   project.     Li    the    name    of  them   all,    Stambuloff 


ENTRANCE    UPON  PUBLIC  LIFE.  47 

answered  that  they  feared  the  Prince  would  scarcely 
govern  as  well  as  his  more  experienced  Ministers,  and 
also  that  they  were  not  without  doubts  as  to  the  treatment 
he  might  be  keeping  in  store  for  the  Liberals.  To  this 
M.  Hitrovo  answered,  "You  need  not  be  afraid,  for  it 
is  not  the  Prince  who  will  govern,  but  I,  and  you  know 
that  the  Russians  are  friends  to  the  Liberals  " 

Stambuloff  retorted,  "  If  the  Prince  chafes  under  the 
will  of  a  whole  nation,  how  do  you  expect  he  will  obey 
your  single  dictation  ?  "' 

To  which  M.  Hitrovo,  scowling,  answered,  "Young 
man,  you  speak  too  freely." 

Again  Stambuloff  declared  that  as  M.  Hitrovo  had 
asked  them  a  plain  question  they  had  given  him  the 
plainest  of  answers,  but  that  if  he  did  not  wish  to  hear 
them  they  had  better  leave,  which  they  did ;  with  a 
Parthian  shaft  from  Stambuloff  as  the  door  closed, 
"Time  will  show  whether  I  am  right."* 

However,  the  Septennate  having  been  voted.  Prince 
Alexander  found  himself,  as  he  fondly  hoped,  a  free,  not 
to  say  autocratic,  ruler  in  his  adopted  country.  His  first 
act  was  to  hold  some  private  little  elections  for  a  "  Small 
Assembly  "  of  forty  members,  whose  sole  duty  and  raison 
d'etre  was  to  be  the  voting  of  the  Budget.  He  also  named 
a  Council  of  State  for  elaborating  Laws  and  Reforms,  in 
the  place  of  his  old  obstreperous  Chamber,  but  I  cannot 

*  A  year  later  M.  Hitrovo  quarrelled  with  the  Prince,  and  left 
Bulgaria.  As  he  reached  the  frontier  a  telegram  was  handed  to  him 
from  Stambuloff  which  read  us  follows  :  "  Gelaiyim  Vam  schastlivoie 
put :  spomnite  nash  razgavor  fe  Tiniove :  otchen  skoro  opravdaisa." 
"A  pleasant  voyage  to  you.  Remember  our  talk  at  Tirnovo  :  it  has 
come  true  pretty  quickly." 


48  M.   STAMBULOFF, 

find  that  its  labours  ever  produced  anything  lasting.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  whole  of  Bulgaria  began  to  seethe 
and  boil  under  the  surface,  and  not  liking  the  aspect  of 
affairs,  the  Prince  applied  to  Russia  to  send  him  two 
Generals  "  to  uphold  his  prestige,"  which  just  then  was 
at  a  dangerously  low  ebb.  The  Czar,  Alexander  III., 
answered  this  appeal  by  despatching  General  Soboleff 
to  act  as  Minister- President  and  of  the  Interior,  and 
General  Kaulbars  for  War,  adding  also  General  Tioharoff 
as  Minister  of  Justice.  The  Prince  and  Bulgaria  were 
thus  furnished  and  saddled  with  a  thoroughly  Russian 
administration,  and  Alexander  was  not  long  in  finding  out 
that  even  the  Liberals  were  less  objectionable.  The 
Russian  Ministers  bluntly  declared  that  they  received 
their  orders  only  from  the  Czar,  whereas,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  they  took  no  orders  from  anybody,  but  acted  just  as 
they  pleased.  One  thing  they  soon  made  plain,  namely, 
that  they  did  not  mean  to  take  any  orders  from  the 
Prince,  and  a  silent  but  bitter  struggle  soon  began 
between  him  and  them.  Knowing  the  enmity  of  the 
Liberals  towards  Alexander  the  Russian  Ministers  tried  to 
enter  into  negotiations  with  Stambuloff,  who  was  now  the 
acknowledged  chief  of  his  party,  to  get  rid  of  him. 
Stambuloff,  however,  declined  to  enter  into  their  plans, 
saying  that  though  the  Prince  had  committed  a  grave 
error,  not  to  call  it  by  a  harsher  name,  in  suspending  the 
Constitution,  his  departure  would  leave  Bulgaria  a  mere 
province  of  Russia,  which  was  the  last  thing  the  Liberals 
desired,  or  would  tolerate.  Being  repulsed  in  this  quarter, 
the  Russians  turned  to  the  army,  but  Stambuloff  was 
beforehand  with  them,  and  prevailed  upon  most  of  the 


ENTRANCE   UPON  PUBLIC  LIFE.  49 

young  Bulgarian  ofificers  secretly  to  swear  that  they  would 
punish  any  attempt  to  tamper  with  the  regiments,  by 
killing  their  foreign  superiors.  He  also  took  care  that 
this  should  be  known  to  the  Ministry,  who  temporarily 
ceased  their  intrigue  in  consequence.  None  the  less  they 
continued  the  high-handed  method  of  government  they 
had  established,  almost  ignoring  the  authority  of  the 
Prince,  who  daily  was  made  to  feel  that  his  power  was 
diminishing.  He  had  abolished  the  Constitution  in  order 
to  govern  by  himself,  instead  of  which  he  had  merely 
transferred  the  reins  from  the  National  Party  to  a  clique  of 
St.  Petersburg  officers,  and  his  endeavours  to  have  a  voice 
in  the  direction  of  the  State  were  met  by  threats  of  de- 
thronement. He  was  not  one,  however,  tamely  to  submit 
to  such  treatment,  and  a  breach  was  soon  opened  between 
him  and  his  Imperial  patron  the  Czar,  who  looked  with 
the  greatest  disfavour  upon  his  ambitions  after  thorough 
independence.  This  breach  was  never  closed  but  went 
on  widening  from  this  date  until  the  abdication. 

It  was  when  smarting  under  the  revelation  of  Russian 
treachery  that  Prince  Alexander  was  induced  to  promise  a 
restoration  of  the  Constitution.  This  was  effected  un- 
ostentatiously by  the  Little  Chamber  quietly  voting  an 
address  begging  him  to  return  to  the  old  order  of  things. 
The  Prince  consented  on  the  spot,  and  signed  the 
proclamation  without  the  Ministry  having  an  inkling  of 
what  was  going  on.  When  they  were  apprised  of  it  they 
resigned  eii  masse,  in  a  white  rage,  to  the  infinite  delight 
of  the  Prince  and  the  general  satisfaction  of  the  nation. 
Dragan  Zankoff  was  elected  Premier,  and  General 
Cantacuzene   took    the   place   of    General    Kaulbars    as 

D 


50  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

Minister  of  War.  The  elections  brought  in  another 
Liberal  majority,  but  a  split  arose  in  the  Party  on  the 
question  of  the  Presidency  of  the  Chamber.  Zankoff 
wished  Stambuloff  to  have  the  place,  but  a  large  section 
were  in  favour  of  Karaveloff.  The  Chamber  was  convoked 
in  1884,  at  Tirnovo,  and  Stambuloff,  who  did  not  wish 
to  be  a  cause  of  strife,  contrived  to  reconcile  Zankoff  and 
Karaveloff,  who  were  old  private  enemies.  The  recon- 
ciliation, unfortunately,  was  short-lived,  and  before  the  day 
fixed  for  the  election  of  the  President  they  had  quarrelled 
again.  The  election  resulted  in  the  victory  of  Karaveloff, 
upon  which  Zankoff  at  once  handed  in  his  resignation. 
Stambuloff  used  every  effort  to  persuade  him  to  remain  at 
his  post,  pointing  out  the  bad  effect  on  the  Party  his 
defection  would  produce,  but  it  .  was  of  no  avail. 
Karaveloff  was  called  by  the  Prince  to  form  a  Cabinet, 
and  Stambuloff  was  elected  President  of  the  Chamber 
without  a  contest.  The  result  of  this  incident  was  that 
Zankoff,  from  hatred  of  Karaveloff,  joined  the  Opposition, 
and  the  Opposition  threw  itself  into  the  arms  of  Russia. 
Up  to  then  Zankoff  had  been  the  greatest  of  Russophobes, 
but  he  now  turned  into  a  Russophil.  The  role  played  by 
Zankoff  :n  the  history  of  Bulgaria,  is  one  of  many  sides, 
but  he  seldom  possessed  any  great  weight  or  influence. 
The  Bulgarians  like  his  simple  homely  ways  and  speech, 
but  he  has  always  proved  himself  to  be  a  self-seeker,  and 
was  never  really  respected.  His  Russophilism  arose, 
not  from  conviction,  but  because,  having  no  hopes  from 
the  Government,  he  was  obliged  to  accept  Russian  roubles 
to  keep  himself  from  want.  Taking  their  wages,  he  did 
his  best  to  serve  them,  but  it  must  not  be  thought  that  he 


ENTRANCE    UPON  PUBLIC  LIFE.  51 

was  ever  actuated  by  any  fixed  political  idea,  or  by  any 

other  motive  than  that  of  earning  his  living  in  the  best 

way    he    could.       He    was    much    encouraged    by    M. 

Koyander,    who   had   replaced    M.    Hitrovo   as    Russian 

Political  Agent,   and  a  regular  Russian  party  was   now 

formed,    both    in    the    Chamber    and    throughout    the 

country.      The  year   1884  passed  without  any  incidents 

of  importance,  but  it  was  nearly  fatal  to  Stambuloff.     On 

the  occasion  of  the  opening  of  the  Chamber  he  caught 

cold,  and  for  four  or  five  months  lay  at  death's  door  in 

the  Hotel  Bulgarie,  in  Sofia,  which  stands  opposite  the 

Palace.      Amongst    his    visitors,  one   day,  came   Prince 

Alexander.     They  had  never  yet  met  on  friendly  terms, 

and  the  Prince  probably  thought  this  a  good  opportunity 

of  making  his  peace  with   the  turbulent  Liberal  leader. 

In  the  kindliest  manner,  he  enquired  after  Stambuloff's 

health,  asked  him  if  he  might  send  him  delicacies,  fruit, 

and  old  wine  from  his  cellars,  and  if  he  wished  any  of  his 

expenses    defrayed    during    his    illness.      The    stubborn 

nature  of   the  sick  man,  however,  revolted  even  against 

such  royal  advances,  and  he  answered  that  he  had  money 

enough  of  his  own  to  pay  for  all  he  needed,  both  tone  and 

word  being  almost  insulting.     The  Prince  flushed  scarlet 

with  vexation,   and,  turning  on  his  heel,  left  the  room 

without  a  word.     On  re-entering  his  palace,  he  was  heard 

to  remark,  "  Should  it  please  God  to  take  to  Himself  any 

of  my  Bulgarian  subjects.  He  might  choose  my  President, 

who  never  does  me  aught  but  ill."  *     In  telling  me  this 

*  Eight  or  nine  years  afterwards,  when  he  was  at  Gratz,  Prince 
Alexander  related  this  story,  with  the  remark  that  it  was  curious  that 
he  should  have  prayed  God  to  take  the  rnan  who,  two  years  later, 
was  destined  to  restore  his  throne  to  him. 


52  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

anecdote  Stambuloff  said  that  his  own  conduct  was  quite 
inexcusable,  but  that,  at  that  period,  the  Prince  was  not 
yet  fully  converted  from  Russophilism.  "  I  did  not 
like  him  myself,"  said  he,  "  but  I  supported  him 
from  beginning  to  end,  because  I  saw  that  his 
personal  beauty  and  chivalrous  character  were  qualities 
likely  to  win  the  hearts  of  the  Bulgarians,  and  that 
when  we  should  be  able  to  gain  him  over  to  us,  he 
would  be  a  famous  leader  for  our  nation."  During  the 
winter  of  1884  Stambuloff  lay  ill,  but  in  the  spring  of  1885 
he  felt  somewhat  better.  One  morning,  M.  Koyander, 
accompanied  by  Prince  Cantacuzene,  came  to  seehim. 
After  the  usual  polite  enquiries  they  remarked,  "  We  have 
heard  from  St.  Petersburg  that  Prince  Alexander  is 
trying  to  negotiate  a  marriage  with  the  Princess  Victoria, 
daughter  of  the  Empress  Frederick.  Our  Government 
cannot  permit  this  match,  and  has  charged  us  to  tell  both 
you  and  M.  Karaveloff  that  the  Prince  must  be  got  rid 
of  before  he  can  ally  himself  with  the  German  family 
regnant." 

Stambuloff  was  lying  in  bed  reading  Machiavelli's 
Commeyitaries  on  Ltvy,  and,  curiously  enough,  just  as  his 
visitors  entered  he  had  fallen  upon  the  passage  where  it  is 
said  that  one  or  two  out  of  every  hundred  revolutions 
may  be  expected  to  succeed.  Turning  on  his  side,  he 
answered  that  he  was  not  well  enough  to  decide  such  a 
matter  then,  hut,  prima  facie,  it  appeared  to  him  that  the 
Russian  Government  was  wrong  to  object  to  a  marriage 
which  would  lend  to  the  Prince  the  additional  support  of 
Germany.  From  the  Bulgarian  point  of  view,  on  the 
contrary,  it  was  highly  desirable,  and  he  honestly  told 


ENTRANCE    UPON  PUBLIC  LIFE.  53 

them  that  he  was  delighted  at  the  news  which  afflicted 
them.  "  I  may  add,  gentlemen,  that  I  shall  report  your 
proposal  to  the  Prince ;  and  perhaps  you  will  allow  me  to 
read  you  a  few  lines  of  Machiavelli,  appropriate  to  the 
occasion."  After  he  had  done  so,  Stambuloff  concluded, 
"  I  have  planned  and  headed  three  revolutions,  all  of 
which  came  to  nothing,  and  I  am  not  at  all  anxious  to 
begin  another.     Good  morning,  gentlemen." 

As  may  be  guessed,  this  was  the  last  visit  paid  by  M. 
Koyander  to  the  invalid,  who  at  once  sent  for  Karavdloff, 
told  him  what  the  Russians  had  said,  and  charged  him  to 
inform  Prince  Alexander,  whose  sentiments  towards  his 
former  friends  were  not  improved  by  learning  their 
persistent  endeavours  to  get  rid  of  him. 

As  soon  as  Stambuloff  was  able  to  move  he  went  to 
his  native  town  of  Tirnovo,  where  he  remained  up  to  the 
outbreak  of  the  Roumelian  revolution. 

Before  entering  upon  a  consideration  of  this  movement, 
which  changed  the  whole  political  face  of  the  Balkan 
Peninsula,  and  whose  effects  are  not  yet  complete,  it 
may  be  worth  while,  in  as  few  words  as  possible,  to  sketch 
the  situation  in  Eastern  Roumelia  before  the  outbreak. 

The  first  Governor-General  appointed  under  the  Organic 
Statute,  was  Aleko  Pasha,  who  was  friendly  to  the  Liberals 
or  Nationalist  Party.  His  method  of  government,  how- 
ever, did  not  please  Russia,  who  succeeded  in  obtaining 
his  dismissal  and  the  appointment  of  their  own  candidate, 
M.  Chrestovitch,  or  Gavril  Pasha,  as  he  was  usually  called, 
who  had  been  Secretary-General  to  Aleko  Pasha.  With 
the  turn  of  the  tide,  the  Liberal  element  was  promptly 
swept  out  of  every  post  of  importance,  and  the  Russian 


54  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

faction  carefully  eliminated  every  man  who  fell  under 
suspicion  of  not  being  a  cordial  Slavophil.  This  naturally 
led  to  a  very  bitter  feeling,  and  no  secret  whatever  was 
made  of  a  plot  being  on  foot  to  turn  out  M.  Chrestovitch 
and  his  Russian  clique.  The  difficulty  was  to  find  a 
watchword.  That  of  the  union  of  the  two  Bulgarias  had 
always  been  a  favourite  one,  but  if  anything  it  belonged 
rather  to  the  Russians,  as  the  Liberals  had  feared  to  use 
it  too  freely  on  account  of  the  danger  of  thereby  offending 
the  susceptibilities  of  the  Porte.  The  Russians  had  no 
scruples  on  this  head  and  it  was  in  some  measure  on 
the  Union  as  a  war-cry  that  they  had  come  into  power. 
I  believe  that  there  is  not  much  doubt  but  that  M. 
Chrestovitch  and  his  party  were  themselves  preparing  for 
the  Union,  but  they  had  no  idea  of  bringing  off  the  coup 
till  the  following  year.  The  Liberals,  seeing  all  the 
instruments  ready  to  their  hand,  resolved  to  play  a  bold 
game  and  take  the  lead  out  of  the  grasp  of  their 
opponents,  not  by  making  a  party  watchword  of  the 
Union,  but  by  simply  declaring  it  as  an  accomplished  fact, 
and  deposing  M.  Chrestovitch  by  sudden  force.  It  was 
the  act  of  desperate  men,  but  as  often  happens,  it  succeeded 
beyond  their  hopes,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  sequel. 


CHAPTER   III. 

THE   UNION. 

Karaveloff  and  Stambuloff  as  Premier  and  President  of  the  Chamber 
— The  Declaration  of  the  Union  at  Chirpan — Shameful  treatment 
of  Gavril  Pasha—  Indecision  of  the  Prince  —  Stambuloff's  advice 
carries  the  day — The  Prince's  Proclamation — The  address  to  the 
Czar  —  M.  Koyander  refuses  to  forward  it — Stambuloff  at  the 
telegraph  office— Servian  feeling  at  the  Union — M.  Garashanin  on 
the  situation — The  "Ambassadorial  Declaration  " — Prince  Alex- 
ander writes  to  King  Milan — A  model  despatch — The  first  meeting 
of  the  Conference  at  Constantinople 

IN  the  month  of  September,  1885,  Karaveloff  came 
to  Tirnovo,  on  a  tour,  and  on  the  morning  of  the 
6th/ 1 8th  went  out  for  a  drive  with  Stambuloff.  A 
gendarme  stopped  the  carriage,  and  handed  in  a  telegram 
from  Philippopolis,  announcing  the  success  of  the  revolu- 
tion and  the  proclamation  of  the  Prince  as  sovereign  of 
North  and  South  Bulgaria.  Karaveloff  was  furious,  and 
accused  Stambuloff  of  having  precipitated  matters,  but 
was  met  by  the  answer  that  the  commencement  of  a  plot 
depended  upon  the  conspirators,  but  that  the  exact  moment 
of  putting  it  into  execution  did  not  always.  The  weight 
of  evidence  goes  to  prove  that  though  both  the  Prince, 
Stambuloff,  Karave'loff,  and  other  leading  men  in  Sofia, 
were  perfectly  well  aware  of  what  was  being  planned  in 
Eastern  Roumelia,  none  of  them  expected  the  coup  to 
come  off  before  the  end  of  October,  when  the  elections 
were  to  be  held.  The  Army  had  not  yet  been  prepared 
by  them  for  the  Union,  and  the  premature  explosion  was 

55 


S6  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

equally  disagreeable  to  them  all,  with  this  difference,  that 
Stambuloff  was  the  first  to  perceive  the  necessity  of 
acknowledging  and  profiting  by  the  accomplished  fact 
whilst  the  others  were  hesitating  whether  or  no  to  disavow 
the  revolutionary  party.  It  appeared  afterwards  that  the 
original  date  fixed  for  the  rising  was  the  26th  September, 
but  various  accidents  conspired  to  advance  it.  Gavril 
Pasha,  early  in  the  month,  had  paid  a  visit  to  Con- 
stantinople where  he  had  met  with  too  flattering  a 
reception  to  please  the  Liberals,  and  the  day  after  his 
return  a  disturbance  broke  out  at  Panagurishte  which 
was,  however,  repressed  without  difficulty.  On  the  15  th, 
though,  Gavril  Pasha  began  to  suspect  that  something 
very  serious  was  brewing,  and  summoning  Drigalsky 
Pasha,  his  Commandant  of  Militia,  proposed  to  arrest 
Majors  Nicolaieff  and  Mutkfiroff.  This  was  easier  to 
advise  than  to  perform,  and  the  rebels,  hearing  of  the 
intentions  of  the  Government,  resolved  to  wait  no  longer 
but  to  raise  the  standard  of  insurrection  at  once.  On 
the  evening  of  Wednesday,  the  15th,  riots  occurred  at 
Bazardjik  and  Konareh,  and  the  Prefect  of  Philippopolis, 
who  went  to  the  latter  village,  was  arrested  by  the  in- 
habitants. On  Thursday,  the  union  of  the  two  Bulgarias 
was  proclaimed  at  the  hamlet  of  Chirpan,  and  only  the  next 
day  at  Philippopolis  itself,  the  reason  for  this  probably 
being  the  wish  to  distract  the  attention  of  the  authorities. 
In  the  small  hours  of  Friday  morning  Major  Nicolaieff 
at  the  head  of  his  regiment  marched  through  the  streets 
of  the  capital,  firing  volleys  to  arouse  the  populace,  and 
was  met  in  the  Square  by  Drigalsky  Pasha  and  his  troops, 
who  had  been  secretly  suborned  beforehand.     The  un- 


THE    UNION.  57 

fortunate  Drigalsky  was  immediately  arrested,  and 
Nicolaieff  proclaimed  himself  Chief  of  the  Army. 
Another  considerable  body  of  insurgents  now  arrived 
from  Konareh,  and  Philippopolis  was  entirely  in  their 
power.  The  sun  was  rising  as  Major  Nicolaieff  led  the 
way  to  the  Government  House  and  read  the  following 
manifesto,  which  had  been  printed  in  readiness  and  was 
already  being  distributed  broadcast : — 

"  Brothers  !  The  hour  of  our  Union  has  struck.  The 
foreign  government  which  has  oppressed  Roumelia  for 
six  years  is  overthrown.  In  its  place  is  proclaimed  her 
union  with  the  Principality  of  Bulgaria,  under  the  sceptre 
of  the  Bulgarian  Prince,  Alexander  I. 

"  Citizens  !  You  are  called  upon  in  the  name  of  your 
country,  for  the  glory  and  might  of  Bulgaria,  to  hasten 
to  the  aid  of  the  sacred  cause,  and  to  uphold  it  by  a  strict 
maintenance  of  the  public  peace.  Remember  that  he 
who  should  allow  himself  to  commit  any  act  of  violence 
or  robbery,  especially  on  foreigners,  whom  all  are  to 
protect  as  their  own  brethren,  will  be  severely  punished. 

"  Officers  and  Soldiers  !  Sons  of  Bulgaria  !  The  Secret 
Committee  summons  you  to  hold  your  heads  high  beneath 
the  proud  Lion  of  Bulgaria,  and  in  presence  of  the  might 
of  Christendom.  Against  whom  and  for  whom  are  you 
now  fighting  ?  Remember,  Sons  of  Bulgaria,  that  you  are 
degraded  by  serving  under  the  Crescent,  the  flag  of  those 
who  have  persecuted  us  for  five  centuries  ! 

"  Shepherds  of  the  flock  !  Ye  who  have  protected  and 
guarded  Bulgaria  for  five  hundred  years,  Uft  up  the  Cross 
of  the  Saviour,  and  bless  our  holy  cause — our  Union. 

"Until  civilized  Europe  shall  have  recognised  our 
sacred  national  cause,  and  the  troops  of  Alexander  I. 
have  occupied  Thrace,  a  Provisional  Government  has 
been  formed  to  dispose  of  all  resources,  and  to  administer 
the  Province.     To  it  must  all  submit. 

"  May  God  help  us,  and  Forward  ! 

"  By  order  of  the  Secret  Committee." 


S8  M.    STAMBULOFF. 

The  Provisional  Government,  which  was  formed  on 
the  spot,  consisted  of  Dr.  Stransky,  editor  of  the  news- 
paper the  Borba,  as  President,  and  a  dozen  members 
the  most  prominent  of  whom  were  Majors  Nicolaieff  and 
Mutkuroff. 

After  reading  this  proclamation,  which  was  received 
with  frenzied  applause,  three  of  the  leading  insurgents, 
MM.  Zachary  Stoyanoff,  Zedaroff,  and  Andonoff,  were 
deputed  to  inform  Gavril  Pasha  of  what  had  happened 
and  to  request  him  to  leave  Philippopolis,  where  his 
further  presence  was  not  desirable.  Here  followed  a 
discreditable  piece  of  buffoonery,  as  the  wTetched  Pasha 
was  forced  to  take  his  seat  in  an  open  carriage,  in  which 
was  already  seated  a  peasant-girl  decked  in  ribbons  and 
holding  a  naked  sword.  He  turned  pale  when  he  saw 
the  insult  prepared  for  him  but  was  compelled  to  submit, 
and  in  this  ridiculous  fashion  was  paraded  past  the 
Russian  Consulate  which  hoisted  its  flag  as  the  pro- 
cession moved  by,  and  through  the  whole  town,  amidst 
the  laughter  and  jeers  of  the  mob.  He  was  then  taken 
to  Konareh,  and  shortly  afterwards  to  Sofia.* 

The  Provisional  Government  immediately  telegraphed 
to  the  Prince  at  his  palace  of  Sandrovo,  near  Bourgas, 
and  His  Highness  started  straightway  for  Tirnovo,  tele- 
graphing to  Karaveloff  and  Stambuloff  to  await  him 
there. 

He  arrived  on  the  19th,  and  a  consultation  was  held. 
Karaveloff  was  still   in   two   minds  as  to  which  course 

*  Those  who  can  read  Russian  may  be  recommended  the  pamphlet 
of  E.  Lvoff,  entitled  The  Roiimelian  Revolution,  for  a  minute  and 
detailed  description  of  the  events  of  these  few  days. 


THE   UNION.  '  59 

it  would  be  expedient  to  pursue,  but  Stambuloff  urged 
the  Prince  to  seize  the  opportunity. 

Alexander  feared  that  if  he  accepted  the  invitation  of 
the  insurgents,  besides  incurring  the  certain  heavy  dis- 
pleasure of  the  Porte,  he  would  probably  have  most,  if 
not  all,  of  the  Powers  against  him.  The  only  one  which 
he  fancied  might  in  reality  approve  him  was  Russia,  and 
at  that  time  he  certainly  had  ground  for  a  hope  which 
turned  out  so  utterly  unfounded.  On  the  other  hand, 
should  he  refuse  he  was  likely  to  offend  the  whole 
Bulgarian  nation. 

Stambuloff  was  most  decided  in  his  advice.  "Sire," 
he  said,  "  the  Union  is  made — the  revolt  is  an  accom- 
plished fact,  past  recall,  and  the  time  for  hesitation 
is  gone  by.  Two  roads  lie  before  your  Highness  :  the 
one  to  Philippopolis,  and  as  far  further  as  God  may  lead ; 
the  other  to  Sistoff,  the  Danube,  and  Darmstadt.  I 
counsel  you  to  take  the  crown  the  nation  offers  you." 

After  a  short  reflection  Alexander  answered,  "  I  choose 
the  road  to  Philippopolis  ;  and  if  God  loves  Bulgaria, 
may  He  protect  me  and  her." 

Before  leaving  Tirnovo,  Alexander  issued  his  royal 
proclamation,  as  follows : 

"We,  Alexander  I.,  by  the  grace  of  God  and  the  will 
of  the  Nation,  Prince  of  the  Two  Bulgarias  of  the  North 
and  South. 

"We  inform  our  well-beloved  people  that  on  the  iSth 
of  this  month  the  population  of  the  province  called 
Eastern  Roumelia,  after  deposing  the  Government  which 
up  to  now  ruled  there,  and  after  forming  a  Provisional 
Government,  declared  the  Union  of  the  Province  of 
Eastern  Roumelia  with  the  Principality  of  Bulgaria,  and 
unanimously  elected  me  as  their  Prince. 


6o  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

"With  due  consideration  for  the  weal  of  the  Bulgarian 
race,  and  for  its  earnest  desire  to  see  the  two  Bulgarias 
made  one,  and  in  view  of  the  accomplishment  of  the 
national  destiny,  I  recognise  the  Union,  and  agree  hence- 
forth to  be  and  to  be  styled  Prince  of  North  and  South 
Bulgaria. 

"  In  accepting  the  government  of  this  province,  I 
declare  that  the  life,  property,  and  honour  of  all  its 
peaceable  inhabitants  shall  be  safeguarded  and 
guaranteed. 

"  All  necessary  measures  have  been  taken  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  public  peace,  and  any  who  trouble 
it  will  be  proceeded  against  with  the  utmost  severity. 

"  I  trust  that  my  beloved  people  on  both  sides  of  the 
Balkans,  who  have  welcomed  this  great  event  with  such 
enthusiastic  joy,  will  assist  me  to  consolidate  the  sacred 
work — the  Union  of  the  Two  Bulgarias — and  will  be 
ready  for  any  sacrifice  and  any  effort  in  order  to 
guarantee  the  union  and  independence  of  our  dear 
country. 

"  May  God  help  us  in  this,  our  great  and  indispensable 
undertaking. 

"  Given  at  the  ancient  capital  of  Tirnovo, 

"the  8th/2oth  September,  1885, 

(Signed)  "Alexander." 

On  that  day,  the  party  started  for  Philippopolis.  Two 
carriages,  escorted  by  forty  mounted  policemen,  carried 
the  destinies  of  Bulgaria.  In  the  front  one  rode  the 
Prince  and  his  Premier,  Karaveloff,  and  in  the  second 
Stambuloff.  All  three  were  fully  alive  to  the  momentousness 
of  the  step  they  were  taking.  The  future  was  filled  with 
a  thousand  menaces  and  they  had  but  a  vague  idea  of 
what  the  issue  might  be.  By  the  publication  of  the 
proclamation,  they  had  taken  an  irrevocable  plunge.  It 
was  certain  that  the  Porte  would  at  once  appeal  to  the 
Powers  against  so  flagrant  a  violation  of  the  Treaty  of 


THE   UNION.  6 1 

Berlin.  Beyond  that,  no  eye  could  see.  Would  Turkey 
meet  with  the  support  of  all,  or  any  of  the  signatories  ? 
Would  Russia  approve  or  disapprove  of  an  Union 
completed  without  consulting  her,  and  effected  by  the 
overthrow  of  her  nominee  ?  Would  they  be  left  alone  to 
cope  with  the  Sultan,  or  would  some  Power  be  found  to 
hold  out  a  friendly  hand  to  them  in  their  desperate  need  ? 
Seldom,  if  ever,  had  so  apparently  hopeless  a  struggle 
been  undertaken  by  a  new-born  State,  as  yet  a  baby  in 
political  strife.  For  at  this  period,  Bulgaria  was  only 
vaguely  known  to  the  civilised  world  as  a  place  where 
atrocities  had  been  perpetrated,  but  she  was  not  viewed 
as  a  factor  in  European  diplomacy,  or  considered  as  any- 
thing more  than  a  nondescript  mushroom  creation  of 
the  Treaty.  Everybody  knows  the  satirical  remark  of 
Prince  Bismarck  to  Prince  Alexander  upon  his  acceptance 
of  t^e  throne — "  It  will  be  an  interesting  reminiscence 
for  Your  Highness."  Up  till  then  Bulgaria  had  never 
been  taken  au  serieux,  and  now  she  was  striking  a  blow 
destined  to  call  the  whole  attention  of  Europe  upon  her. 
Before  the  i8th  September,  Bulgaria  was  a  quantity 
unknown,  and  unsuspected  except  to  a  very  few  :  from 
that  date  she  took  her  place  among  the  pieces  on  the 
chessboard  with  a  definite  value.  The  Prince  and 
Karaveloff  were  unfamiliar  with  such  a  situation,  but 
Stambuloff  was  quite  in  his  element,  and  as  he  climbed 
the  slopes  of  the  Balkans  behind  them,  he  must  have  felt 
that  he  was  driving  before  him  the  life  or  death  of  his 
country.  At  the  various  stages  on  their  route,  notably 
at  Shipka  and  Kezanlik,  they  met  with  magnificent 
ovations,  and   a   display  of    patriotic   enthusiasm  which 


62  M.    STAMBULOFF. 

augured  well  for  the  venture.     On  the  21st  they  reached 
Philippopolis. 

Here  they  found  affairs  in  a  state  of  great  uncertainty. 
The  Russian  Consulate  kept  a  neutral  attitude,  but  the 
military  attache,  Colonel  Chichagoff,  immediately  waited 
upon  the  Prince,  and  remained  in  close  attendance  upon 
him  for  some  days.  It  was  hurriedly  decided  to  convoke 
the  Chamber,  to  mobilise  the  troops,  and  to  send  a  depu- 
tation to  implore  the  countenance  of  the  Czar,  who  was 
then  at  Copenhagen.  Meanwhile,  in  Sofia,  M.  Koyander 
had  received  a  telegram  from  the  Emperor  strongly 
disapproving  the  Union,  ordering  Prince  Cantacuzene, 
the  Minister  for  War,  to  resign  his  functions,  and  to 
remain  merely  as  mihtary  attache  to  the  Agency,  and 
forbidding  all  Russian  officers  in  the  Bulgarian  army  to  take 
part  in  the  movement.  This  news  was  sedulously  spread, 
and  created  a  most  painful  impression  amongst  the 
Bulgarians,  who  saw  their  fondest  hopes  rudely  shattered 
at  the  outset.  The  Opposition  immediately  began  to 
organise,  and  prepared  a  meeting,  at  which  it  was 
intended  to  propose  the  dethronement  of  the  Prince. 
This  move  was  countered,  however,  by  the  proclamation 
of  a  state  of  siege,  and  Major  Nikiforoff,  a  young 
Bulgarian  officer  of  artillery,  28  years  of  age,  was  named 
Minister  of  War.  The  rupture  with  Russia  was  now 
open,  and  it  was  clear  that  by  withdrawing  her  officers, 
she  expected  to  paralyse  the  army,  which,  at  that  date, 
had  only  two  Bulgarian  field  officers  in  North  Bulgaria, 
who  had  ever  even  commanded  a  company.  Prince 
Alexander,  who  had  hitherto  been  regarded  as  a  creature 
of  Russia,  leapt  at  a  bound  into  popularity,  and  from  this 


THE   UNION.  63 

time  forth  placed  his  sole  reliance  upon  the  people  he 
governed,  and  they,  exulting  in  having  at  length  won  over 
their  Prince,  were  ready  for  any  sacrifice  that  he  might 
demand  from  them. 

The  Chamber  was  convoked  for  the  22  nd,  and  on  the 
23rd  M.  Karave'loff  read  the  Speech  from  the  Throne, 
recapitulating  recent  events,  and  he  added  that  in  this  the 
Prince  had  acted  with  the  full  consent  of  his  Ministers. 
An  extraordinary  credit  of  five  million  francs,  for  mobili- 
sation, was  passed  without  discussion. 

An  address  was  also  voted  to  the  Czar,  begging  His 
Majesty  to  reconsider  his  decision  in  the  matter  of  his 
officers,  and  not  to  abandon  Bulgaria  in  her  need. 

Nine  leading  members  of  the  House,  amongst  whom 
were  Stambuloff  and  Zankoff,  were  deputed  to  carry  this 
address  to  M.  Koyander,  and  request  him  to  transmit  it 
by  telegraph  to  the  Czar.  Having  sent  to  know  when 
they  could  be  received,  the  hour  of  eleven  next  morning 
was  fixed.  Upon  entering  the  Russian  Agency  the 
deputation  found  M.  Koyander  and  Prince  Cantacuzene, 
in  full  uniform,  surrounded  by  the  consular  staff,  but 
when  Stambuloff  stepped  forward  to  read  the  address, 
M.  Koyander  bluntly  told  him  to  be  silent,  as  he  refused 
to  receive  it. 

The  feelings  of  the  Bulgarians  may  be  imagined. 
Stambuloff,  with  tears  of  rage  in  his  eyes,  exclaimed : 
".By  your  refusal  to  accept  the  address  of  the  Bulgarian 
nation,  you  turn  us  out  of  your  Agency,  but  remember 
my  words,  the  day  will  come  when  you  will  throw  open 
both  your  doors  and  nobody  will  enter." 

Prince  Cantacuzene,  who  was  a  friend  of  Stambuloff, 


64  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

tried  to  calm  him,  embraced  him,  and  addressed  him  in 
affectionate  terms,  but  Koyander  laughed  contemptuously. 
The  deputation  left  hurriedly,  and  Stambuloff  drove  to 
the  telegraph  office,  where  he  gave  instructions  that 
no  message  from  M.  Koyander  was  to  be  forwarded 
for  twenty-four  hours,  and  meanwhile  wired  the  address 
himself  to  the  Czar  at  Copenhagen.  On  the  24th  an 
answer  was  received,  maintaining  the  prohibition,  and 
adding  that,  after  the  sacrifices  Russia  had  made  for 
Bulgaria,  she  had  a  right  to  be  consulted  prior  to  the 
taking  of  any  vital  measures. 

The  Chamber  met  again  in  the  afternoon,  and  on  a 
speech  from  Stambuloff,  passed  a  credit  of  ten  million 
francs  in  case  of  war,  which  was  now  looked  upon  as 
inevitable,  and  also  a  Law  of  Requisition,  enabling  the 
Government  to  seize  and  use  whatever  it  might  need. 
The  Budget  for  1886  was  voted  en  bloc,  in  anticipation, 
and  a  delegation,  with  the  Archbishop  Clement  at  the 
head,  was  chosen  to  go  and  intercede  with  the  Emperor 
of  Russia  in  person. 

While  Bulgaria  was  thus  straining  every  nerve  to  put 
herself  in  a  posture  of  defence,  the  Porte  and  the  Powers 
were  actively  exchanging  notes,  the  key  to  all  of  them 
being  the  same,  namely,  the  prevention  of  the  movement 
spreading  into  Macedonia,  and  the  preservation  of  the 
peace. 

Prince  Alexander  had  given  a  formal  assurance  to 
Europe  that  he  would  use  his  best  endeavours  to  avoid 
bloodshed,  but  that  the  existing  state  of  doubt  was  full  of 
dangers,  and  if  it  continued  much  longer  he  would  be 
compelled  to  disarm  the  excited  Mussulman  population. 


THE    UNION.  6s 

The  Powers  had  been  so  taken  by  surprise,  that  for  the 
first  few  days  they  scarcely  could  fix  upon  a  course  to 
pursue;  but,  on  the  26th,  Russia  came  forward  with  a 
proposal  for  "an  infor}nal  Conference  of  the  Ambassa- 
dors of  the  Great  Powers,  at  Constantinople,  in  order  to 
come  to  an  understanding  as  to  the  identical  language  to 
be  held  to  the  Porte,  and  the  Prince  of  Bulgaria,  in  the 
name  of  Europe,  in  order  to  avoid  a  conflict  and  effusion 
of  blood,  and  to  gain  time  for  consideration." 

Sir  William  White  was  the  British  representative  at  this 
Conference,  and  the  following  instructions  were  sent  to 
him  on  the  27th  of  September.  They  are  remarkable 
as  showing  how  England  carried  through  the  two 
Conferences  the  points  she  had  fixed  upon  before  the 
first  meeting  of  the  first  one  : 

"The  general  tenour  of  the  advice  which  you  are 
empowered  to  offer  on  the  part  of  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment should  be  that  the  Sultan  should  abstain  from 
military  intervention  in  Eastern  Roumelia,  provided 
always  that  no  violence  is  used  against  His  Majesty's 
Mussulman  subjects  in  that  province.  You  should  also 
recommend  that  the  change  to  be  made  in  the  provisions 
of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  should  be  limited  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  Prince  Alexander  to  be  Governor-General  for 
life  of  Eastern  Roumelia.  It  may  not  be  found  possible 
to  obtain  the  necessary  unanimity  of  assent  to  this 
arrangement,  but  it  is  that  which  Her  Majesty's  repre- 
sentative should  use  his  best  efforts  to  secure.  You 
should  resist  any  proposals  for  the  Prince's  deposition. 
(Signed)  "  Salisbury." 

Thus  early  it  was  apparent  that  Bulgaria  would  receive 
some  measure  of  support,  but  probably  she  owed  her 
salvation  from  an   immediate  attack  by  Turkey  to   the 

E 


66  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

well-known  fears  of  the  Sultan  for  his  personal  safety. 
There  were  only  some  30,000  Turkish  troops  in  the 
Vilayet  of  Adrianople,  and  to  send  the  forty  or  fifty 
thousand  picked  men  who  perpetually  guard  the  capital, 
would  have  left  the  Palace  at  the  mercy  of  those  con- 
spirators, whose  supposed  existence  is  an  ever  present 
terror  to  His  Majesty.  Not  having  taken  action  upon 
the  first  news  of  the  outbreak,  it  became  far  more  diffi- 
cult to  do  so  when  once  the  Powers  had  commenced  to 
work  upon  the  question  as  a  diplomatic  one.  The 
danger  from  Turkey,  therefore,  grew  gradually  less  as  the 
days  passed  by,  and  the  Bulgarians  saw  with  delight  that 
they  were  not  likely  to  be  molested  by  their  Suzerain, 
provided  they  kept  the  promises  of  loyalty,  which  they 
made  in  profusion.  On  the  other  hand,  their  neighbours, 
the  Greeks  and  Serbs,  were  in  a  condition  of  boiling  fury 
at  the  sudden  aggrandisement  of  Bulgaria.  As  nothing 
came  of  the  Greek  agitation,  it  may  be  passed  over  in 
silence,  although  at  one  time  it  threatened  the  greatest 
perils.  Such  strong  representations  were,  however,  made 
by  the  Powers,  that  any  nation  which  should  break  the 
peace  by  advancing  into  Macedonia  would  incur  the 
combined  reprobation  of  all  the  Great  Powers,  that 
Greece  reluctantly  held  her  hand. 

The  Serbs,  on  the  contrary,  were  deaf  to  all  remon- 
strances. Their  view  of  the  situation,  as  given  by  M. 
Garashanin  to  the  Representatives  of  the  Powers,  and 
also  to  myself  in  private  conversation,  was  as  follows  : 

"Servia  could  not  possibly  look  on  with  indifference  to 
a  sudden  doubling  of  the  size  and  power  of  Bulgaria. 
She  had  done  her  best  to  fulfil  her  part  of  the  Treaty  of 


THE    UNION.  67 

Berlin,  and  it  had  been  no  easy  task  for  her,  exhausted  as 
she  was  by  the  wars  which  had  preceded  the  signature  of 
that  instrument.  On  the  other  hand,  Turkey  had  done 
very  httle  on  behalf  of  Macedonia  and  Armenia,  and 
Bulgaria  had  neither  built  her  railways,  nor  dismantled 
her  Danube  forts.  Nevertheless,  these  two  were  now 
about  to  change  the  Berlin  Treaty  in  favour  of  Bulgaria, 
and  Servia  could  not  and  would  not  stand  any  such 
arrangement  detrimental  to  her  own  interests." 

He  further  quoted  to  me  the  Turkish  proverb,  "  TJie 
naked  nuifi  jiaiips  the  fa7-ihest"  meaning  that  Servia  was 
in  such  desperate  case  that  she  had  nothing  to  lose,  and 
everything  to  gain. 

Referring  to  Blue  Books,  I  find  that  M.  Garashanin 
used  almost  the  same  words  as  I  have  in  my  notes  to 
Mr.  Wyndham,  who  met  him  with  the  obvious  retort  that 
if  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  was  infringed,  it  was  the  business 
of  the  signatories,  and  not  certainly  that  of  Servia,  to 
protect  it,  and  if  Prince  Alexander  was  encroaching  upon 
the  rights  of  his  Suzerain,  it  was  for  the  latter  to  chastise 
his  vassal. 

Anybody  who  knows  M.  Garashanin  and  King  Milan 
will,  however,  understand  how  futile  were  the  best  of 
arguments  poured  into  their  unwilling  ears. 

On  the  2ist  the  King  returned  suddenly  to  Belgrade 
(on  the  same  day  that  Prince  Alexander  entered  Philipp- 
opolis),  and  held  a  Cabinet  Council  the  same  night  at 
which  it  was  decided  to  mobilise  the  Army  and  Militia, 
and  to  convoke  an  extraordinary  session  of  the  Skupt- 
china,  at  Nish,  on  the  2nd  October. 

At  the  opening  of  this  session  King  Milan  made  a 
speech,    insisting    upon    the    necessity   of    restoring   the 


68  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

status  quo  ante  in  the  Balkans,  and  appealing  to  the 
patriotism  of  the  Deputies  to  vote  all  the  supplies 
which  should  be  asked  for.  The  Skuptchina  acted 
in  the  same  fashion  as  the  Bulgarian  Sobranieh  had 
done,  and  after  sanctioning  all  the  projects  presented 
to  it,  dissolved  on  the  4th  October.  It  was  on  this 
date  that  Sir  F.  Lascelles,  who  had  been  away  on  leave,, 
and  had  returned  to  Sofia,  went  on  to  Philippopolis  and 
joined  Prince  Alexander,  giving  the  first  overt  sign  of 
English  friendliness  to  the  cause  of  the  Union,  a  sign 
which  excited  the  vexation  of  Russia  more  than  any  other 
Power,  and  called  forth  lively  remonstrances  from  the 
St.  Petersburg  Foreign  Office.  These  had  no  effect, 
and  from  that  time  forth  Sir  F.  Lascelles  continued 
by  the  side  of  Prince  Alexander.  Meanwhile,  the 
Ambassadors  at  Constantinople  had  finally,  after  much 
phrase-paring,  succeeded  in  producing  the  following 
declaration,  which  was  presented  to  the  Sultan,  Prince 
Alexander,  and  the  Courts  of  Greece  and  Servia : 

"The  Signatory  Powers  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin, 
appreciating  the  great  wisdom  and  the  sentiments  of 
moderation  of  His  Imperial  Majesty  the  Sultan,  have 
deigned  to  receive  favourably  the  request  for  assistance 
which  the  Ottoman  Government  has  addressed  to  them, 
with  a  view  to  putting  an  end  to  the  troubles  agitating 
Eastern  Roumelia. 

"  They  condemn  all  violation  of  existing  Treaties,  and 
entirely  disapprove  of  the  proceedings  which  have  taken 
place  in  the  province  in  question. 

"They  will  hold  responsible  those  in  power  on  either 
side  of  the  Balkans  for  any  act  tending  to  propagate  the 
agitation  in  the  neighbouring  provinces. 

"  They  invite  the  leaders  of  the  Bulgarian  forces,  in  the 
interest   of    peace,   not    to    concentrate    troops    on    the 


THE    UNION.  69 

Roumelian  frontier,  and  to  suspend  their  armaments, 
warning  the  Bulgarian  populations  against  hasty  and  ill- 
considered  action,  of  which  they  would  have  to  suffer  the 
consequences  without  hope  of  any  foreign  assistance." 

At  first  glance  this  "  Ambassadorial  Declaration  "  may 
appear  rather  a  ridiculus  tiius,  but  it  was  not  arrived  at 
until  after  much  dispute,  not  only  amongst  the  Ambas- 
sadors, but  at  every  capital  in  Europe,  England  invariably 
resisting  all  attempts  to  interpolate  words  implicating 
personal  blame  on  Prince  Alexander,  or  hinting  at  a 
restoration  of  the  status  quo  ante.  The  real  sense  of 
the  declaration  amounted  merely  to  an  expression  of 
regret  at  the  violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  coupled 
with  an  appreciation  of  the  kindly  manner  in  which  it  had 
been  taken  by  the  Porte,  which  was  equivalent  to  saying 
that  a  continuance  of  its  attitude  would  be  most  pleasing 
to  them.  The  warning  addressed  to  Bulgaria,  and  the 
other  little  States,  was  a  natural  corollary. 

It  was,  however,  evident  that  this  document  could 
never  be  considered  as  the  last  word  of  Europe,  and  as 
soon  as  it  had  been  handed  in  the  Powers  began  an 
exchange  of  views  as  to  the  advisability  of  summonmg 
an  International  Congress— /orma/  this  time,  to  go  more 
deeply  into  the  question. 

The  note  of  the  Ambassadors  having  been  duly  com- 
municated to  all  concerned  was  received  with  polite 
thanks,  but  neither  Greece  nor  Servia  paid  much 
attention  to  its  peaceful  recommendations.  Prince 
Alexander,  seeing  the  hostile  attitude  of  Servia,  resolved 
to  write  a  friendly  letter  to  "  his  brother,"  King  Milan, 
begging   him    to   restrain    the   warlike   spirit  which    was 


70  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

abroad,  and  notified  his  intention  of  doing  so  to  the 
Court  at  Belgrade.  The  letter  was  to  be  carried  by  M. 
Grekoff,  and  ]\I.  Garashanin,  on  hearing  of  the  mission, 
expressed  his  warmest  thanks  and  satisfaction  for  this 
mark  of  amity.  Thereupon  M.  Grekoff  started  with  the 
letter,  and  Prince  Alexander  on  the  i8th  October 
telegraphed  to  King  Milan  to  advise  him  of  the  fact.  He 
was  no  less  surprised  than  annoyed  to  receive  an  im- 
mediate answer  from  the  King  declining  to  see  M. 
Gre'koff  or  accept  the  letter.  The  Prince  had  left  Sofia, 
and  reached  Radomir  on  his  way  back  to  Philippopolis 
when  the  news  of  this  insult  was  brought  to  him,  and 
he  instantly  turned  back  to  the  capital,  fancying  that 
the  refusal  to  read  his  letter  would  probably  be  quickly 
followed  by  a  declaration  of  war.  Nothing,  however,  came 
of  this  freak  of  King  Milan's,  and  on  the  26th  the  Prince 
agreed  to  the  advice  of  his  ministers  to  re-visit  Philipp- 
opolis. This  advice  was  based  upon  the  growing  discontent 
in  Roumelia,  whose  population  did  not  believe  in  the 
probability  of  Servia's  attacking  Bulgaria,  but  looked 
upon  the  military  preparations  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Sofia  as  a  mere  pretext  for  the  withdrawal  of  troops, 
and  for  the  absence  of  the  Prince  himself  from  Eastern 
Roumelia,  just  at  the  time  when  they  imagined  the  Porte 
might  be  authorised  by  the  Powers  to  use  force  to  re- 
establish the  stahis  quo  ante. 

They  also  complained  that  no  measures  had  as  yet 
been  taken  for  completing  the  administrative  union 
between  the  two  Bulgarias,  which  was  true,  but  the 
reason  for  this  was  that  the  whole  energies  of  the 
Government  were  being  directed  to  one  point,  namely, 


THE   UNION.  71 

the  organisation  of  the  Army,  which,  by  the  departure 
of  its  Russian  ofificers,  had  been  thrown  into  a  state  of 
temporary  disorder.  Besides  the  mere  filling  up  of  the 
cadres,  there  was  also  an  immensity  of  work  going  on 
in  the  matter  of  calling  out  and  arming  the  Reserves  and 
Militia,  and  all  administrative  questions  were  put  away 
into  the  background.  Nevertheless,  the  Opposition  were 
not  slow  to  take  advantage  of  these  circumstances  to 
proclaim  that  Prince  Alexander  was  abandoning  his 
Roumeliote  subjects,  and  it  therefore  became  absolutely 
necessary  for  him  to  show  himself  at  Philippopolis. 

Upon  his  arrival,  he  at  once  placed  the  various  depart- 
ments under  their  respective  ministers  at  Sofia,  and 
the  Provisional  Government  was  dissolved.  In  this 
simple  but  business-like  manner  the  administrative  union 
was  accomplished,  though  of  course  a  thousand  details 
remained  for  future  elaboration.  On  the  31st  October 
deputations  from  all  the  districts  of  Eastern  Roumelia 
called  upon  the  Prince,  and  expressed  their  unbounded 
confidence  in  him  and  their  determination  to  maintain 
the  Union.  The  Prince  replied,  regretting  that  the  Power 
to  which  they  had  looked  the  most  for  assistance  had 
abandoned  them.  Other  Powers,  however,  especially 
England,  had  shown  themselves  favourably  disposed,  and 
it  would  be  necessary  to  await  the  decision  of  the  Con- 
ference, but  if  required  he  would  defend  the  Union  by  all 
means  in  his  power.* 

The  day  following,  the  Marquis  of  Salisbury  addressed 
to  Sir  W.  AVhite  his  preliminary  instructions  for  the  forth- 
coming   Conference,    and   though   they  are  too   lengthy 

*  Blue  Book,  Turkey,  No.  I,  1886,  p.  195. 


72  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

to  reproduce  in  full,  yet  some  extracts  from  this  most 
statesmanlike  and  model  despatch  *  will  help  to  a  clear 
understanding  of  the  position  taken  up  by  England 
towards  Bulgaria  and  the  Porte. 

"  In  undertaking  to  join  with  the  other  Powers  in  seek- 
ing for  a  solution  of  existing  difficulties  which  should  be 
substantially  on  the  basis  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  H.M's 
Government  do  not  understand  themselves  to  be  bound 
to  recommend  adherence  to  the  exact  letter  of  that 
Treaty. 

"They  rather  contemplate  the  adoption  of  arrange- 
ments which  shall  conduce  to  the  security  of  the  main 
objects  of  the  Treaty,  and  be  in  accordance  with  its 
general  spirit ;  and  they  wish  to  attain  that  end  with 
as  little  disturbance  as  possible  of  its  precise  provisions. 
It  has,  however,  been  intimated  to  them  that  the 
Turkish  Government  look  to  an  entire  and  exact  re- 
establishment  of  the  state  of  things  sanctioned  by 
the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  that  they  are  supported  by  some 
of  the  other  Powers  in  this  view,  and  that  the  Confer- 
ence has  been  summoned  with  the  hope,  on  the  part  of 
some  of  the  signatories  of  the  Treaty,  that  it  will  give 
its  sanction  to  such  diplomatic  or  material  measures 
as  may  be  necessary  for  insuring  that  end. 

"  Her  Majesty's  Government  do  not  at  all  contend  that 
the  Sultan  has  not  a  perfect  right,  according  to  the  strict 
letter  of  the  Treaty,  to  take  military  measures  for  restoring 

the  state  of  things  as  it  existed  three  months  ago 

But  totaUy  different  questions  come  into  view  when  it  is 
proposed  that  any  action  of  this  kind  on  the  Sultan's 
part  shall  take  place  under  the  direct  sanction  of  the 
Great  Powers  represented  in  the  Conference.  I'he 
European  Powers  would  not  be  justified  in  giving  to 
the  supposed  action  of  His  Imperial  Majesty  the 
Sultan,  the  support  of  their  authority  or  assistance, 
unless  they  were  satisfied,  not  only  of  its  legality,  but 
of    its    general    expediency    and   wisdom The 

*  Blue  Book,  Turkey,  No.  i,  1886,  p.  197. 


THE    UNION,  73 

question  which  they  are  bound  to  determine  before 
giving  advice  to  the  Porte  on  this  matter,  is  whether 
the  restoration  of  the  status  quo  ante  is  in  itself  desirable 
under  the  circumstances. 

"  The  argument  in  its  favour,  which  appears  to  have 
weighed  with  some  of  the  Powers,  is  that  it  will  be 
a  signal  instance  of  homage  paid  to  Treaty  Law,  and 
that  it  will  impress  upon  the  Balkan  States  generally,  a 
great  veneration  for  the  Treaty  of  Berlin. 

"  That  this  would  be  a  most  desirable  end  to  achieve, 
no  one  can  dispute.  The  only  question  is,  whether  this 
really  would  be  the  impression  left  upon  the  minds  of  the 
population  of  the  Peninsula,  by  the  prevention  of  any 
Union  of  Bulgaria  with  Eastern  Roumelia.  If  the  present 
attempt  to  set  aside  one  provision  of  the  Treaty  should 
miscarry,  they  will  no  doubt  reflect  seriously  upon  the 
causes  to  which  that  miscarriage  is  due.  They  are  hardly 
likely,  however,  to  attribute  it  entirely  to  the  veneration  in 
which  Treaty  Law  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula  is  held  by  the 
Powers  of  Europe.  Present  inhabitants  of  the  Peninsula 
have  lived  through  many  phases  of  Treaty  arrangement 
in  that  region,  and  have  seen  those  arrangements  set  aside 
again  and  again,  not  by  negotiation,  but  by  force.  It  is 
needless  to  recapitulate  the  events  which  led  to  the 
establishment  of  the  kingdoms  of  Greece,  Roumania, 
and  Servia,  or  of  the  principalities  of  Bulgaria  and 
Montenegro.  The  origin  of  these  States  was  in  no  case 
the  result  of  a  scrupulous  observance  of  Treaties,  and  the 
people  of  the  Peninsula  will,  therefore,  hardly  attribute 
the  failure  of  the  Roumelians,  if  they  should  fail,  to  the 
fact  that  they  have  violated  a  Treaty.  It  is  evident  that 
they  will  have  to  seek  the  origin  of  the  miscarriage  in 

some  other  cause In  authorising  you,  therefore, 

to  take  part  in  the  Conference,  which  has  been  sum- 
moned by  the  Porte,  Her  Majesty's  Government  must 
guard  themselves  from  expressing  any  approval  of  a 
simple  return  to  the  state  of  things  which  existed  at 
the  commencement  of  last  September.  If  such  a  pro- 
posal is  made,  you  will  not  give  to  it  your  sanction 
without  previous  reference  to  me. 


74  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

"  It  will  be  necessary  also  to  receive  with  great  caution 
any  proposal  for  summoning  Prince  Alexander  to  with- 
draw from  Eastern  Roumelia,  unless  some  intention  is 
indicated  of  considering  the  wishes  which  the  Eastern 
Roumelians  have  expressed.  Such  a  demand  would 
hardly  be  of  any  practical  value  for  the  purposes  of 
those  who  make  it,  unless  it  contains,  in  a  more  or 
less  disguised  form,  a  threat  of  the  use  of  force  in 
case  it  should  be  disobeyed.  As  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment are  not  prepared  to  take  the  responsibility  of 
advising  the  Turkish  Government  to  use  force  for  the 
purpose  of  restoring  the  former  state  of  things,  they  would 
not  willingly  join  in  taking  steps  which  would  naturally 
lead  to  such  a  policy." 

The  Conference  met  on  the  5th  of  November,  and  at 
short  intervals  during  the  following  weeks,  and  the  cause 
of  the  Union  was  defended  with  consummate  patience 
and  skill  by  Sir  William  White.  In  the  midst  of  its 
deliberations,  the  aspect  of  affairs  was  largely  modified 
by  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  between  Servia  and  Bulgaria. 
This  carries  us  one  stage  further  in  the  history  of  the 
Principality. 

Little  mention  has  been  made  lately  of  Stambuloff, 
but  in  order  to  grasp  subsequent  events,  and  to  follow 
the  fortunes  of  Bulgaria,  it  is  necessary  to  continue  the 
thread  of  the  story  as  briefly  as  may  be,  even  when  his 
personality  is  momentarily  in  the  shade. 

It  must  not  be  thought,  however,  that  during  the 
months  of  September  and  October,  the  President  of 
the  Chamber  was  idle.  He  was  steadily  consolidating 
his  party,  and  extending  his  own  influence  both  amongst 
its  members  and  with  the  Prince  and  his  entourage,  and 
as  soon  as  occasion  required,  he  was  seen  to  the  front. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

THE    SERVIAN    WAR. 

Prince  Alexander  and  the  Czar — Withdrawal  of  Russian  officers 
from  the  Bulgarian  Army  —  Declaration  of  war  by  Servia  — • 
Received  by  the  Prince  at  Philippopolis— Hurried  return  to  Sofia 
—  Stamliuloff  is  sent  with  a  disagreeable  message  into  camp  at 
Slivnitza — He  fights  as  a  private  in  Colonel  Nicolaieff's  brigade — 
The  Bulgarians  enter  Nish — Austria  in  front  and  Russia  Ijehind  — 
The  forced  Armistice — The  Commission  of  Military  Attaches — 
Negotiations  at  Constantinople — A  brief  Treaty  of  Peace  is  signed 
at  Bucharest. 

IN  order  to  understand  the  perilous  position  of  Bulgaria, 
one  must  bear  in  mind  the  following  facts  :  On  the 
day  that  the  Conference  met,  November  5  th,  Prince 
Alexander's  name  was  struck  off  the  roll  of  the  Russian 
army,  and  the  13th  Battalion  of  Rifles  in  the  Russian 
service  ceased  to  bear  his  name.  In  other  words,  the 
rupture  between  the  Bulgarian  people  and  the  Russian 
agents  was  confirmed  by  a  definite  casting-off  of  the 
Prince  by  his  patron,  the  Czar.* 

*  When  the  deputation  was  received  at  Copenhagen,  the  Czar 
used  the  following  words  textually :  "O  razyedenenie  e  retchi  buit 
ne  modjet :  no  poka  u.  Vass  nv'iinshe  pravitelstvo  ne  jdite  ot  menia 
nitchevo,  nitchevo,  nitchevo  " — ■"  There  can  be  no  question  whatever  of 
dissolving  the  Union,  but  as  long  as  you  keep  your  present  Government, 
expect  from  me  nothing,  nothing,  nothing  !"  Upon  hearing  this  answer, 
Stambuloff  repaired  to  M.  Koyander,  and  enquired  what  was  meant 
by  "present  Government,"  as,  if  the  term  applied  to  Karaveloff  as 
Premier,  or  to  him  as  President  of  the  Chamber,  they  were  both 
ready  to  resign.  M.  Koyander  replied  that  it  meant  Prince  Alexander ; 
and  as  long  as  he  remained  in  Bulgaria,  Russia  would  do  nothing 
to  help  her. 

75 


76  M,   STAMBULOFF. 

The  Conference  had  a  large  majority  in  favour  of  the 
restitution  of  the  status  quo  ante,  and  the  Porte's  proposals 
for  the  immediate  withdrawal  of  the  Prince  from  Eastern 
Roumelia  and  the  appointment  of  another  Governor- 
General  was  supported  by  three  or  four  of  the  Great 
Powers,  with  Russia  at  the  head,  and  only  England  really 
opposing  it.  Not  content  with  using  every  effort  at 
Constantinople,  the  Turkish  Representative  in  Eondon, 
Musurus  Pasha,  was  urging  Lord  Salisbury  to  give  way,* 
and  it  was  England  alone  which,  during  the  critical 
fortnight  before  the  war,  preserved  the  union. 

The  army  was  untried,  and  officered  by  young  lieu- 
tenants who  had  replaced  the  Russian  instructors,  whilst 
the  whole  administrative  machine  was  out  of  gear 
through  the  sudden  addition  to  its  responsibilities  of 
the  Eastern  Roumelian  departments.  It  certainly  looked 
as  if  Bulgaria  must  fall  an  easy  prey  to  any  onslaught, 
and  the  temptation  to  attack  them  at  so  opportune 
a  moment  was  irresistible  to  King  Milan  and  M. 
Garashanin. 

It   was   on  the    14th  of  November  that   the  Servian 

"*  On  the  I2lh  November,  Musurus  Pasha  called  upon  Lord 
Salisbury,  and  after  reading  the  protocols  of  the  Conference,  begged 
him  to  address  such  advice  to  the  Prince  as  should  induce  him  to 
submit  to  the  Porte,  and  return  to  Sofia.  The  Pasha  several  times 
repeated  that  unless  the  Prince  gave  in,  the  penalty  vi^ould  be  the 
loss  of  his  position  as  Ruler  of  Bulgaria.  Lord  Salisbury  answered 
that  he  would  much  regret  such  a  result,  though  he  did  not  see 
how  it  was  going  to  be  brought  about ;  but  that  if  Turkey  lent  herself 
to  this  policy,  she  was  making  herself  the  instrument  of  those  who 
desired  the  fall  of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  and  that  H.M.'s  Government 
could  not  assume  the  responsibility  of  concurring  in  it.  —Blue  Book, 
Turkey,  No.  i,  1886,  p.  214. 


THE  SERVIAN  WAR.  yy 

Government  declared  war  by  an  open  telegram,  couched 
in  the  following  terms  : 

"The  Commander  of  the  First  Division  and  the 
Frontier  Authorities  announce  simultaneously  that  to-day, 
the  13th  of  November,  at  half-past  seven  in  the  morning, 
the  Bulgarian  troops  attacked  the  positions  held  by  the 
I  St  Regiment  of  Infantry  on  Servian  territory,  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Vlassina.  The  Royal  Government 
consider  this  unprovoked  aggression  as  a  declaration  of 
war.  I  request  you  to  notify  in  my  name  to  M.  Tsanoff, 
the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  that  Servia,  in  accepting 
the  consequences  of  this  attack,  considers  herself  at  war 
with  the  Principality  of  Bulgaria  from  Saturday,  6  a.m., 
the  14th  November." 

This  telegram  was  addressed  by  M.  Garashanin  to 
M.  Rangabe,  who  was  in  charge  of  Servian  interests  in 
Sofia.  I  have  forborne  to  detail  the  multifarious  pretexts 
sought  by  Servia  previously  in  order  to  pick  a  quarrel, 
and  as  regards  the  substance  of  the  preceding  despatch, 
will  merely  add  that  it  was  instantly  denied  that  any 
Bulgarian  troops  had  crossed  the  frontier.  The  state 
of  feeling  was,  however,  so  strained,  and  Servia  was  so 
resolutely  determined  upon  war,  that  it  was  inevitable. 
It  would  have  been  absurd  for  Bulgaria  to  wish  for  a 
conflict  under  the  circumstances,  and  there  can  be  little, 
if  any,  doubt  that  the  pretence  alleged  by  Servia  was 
false. 

The  Prince,  at  this  date,  was  living  in  the  Konak  at 
Philippopolis  with  his  brother  Joseph,  and  both  Karaveloff 
and  Stambuloff  were  in  the  habit  of  daily  lunching  and 
dining  with  him.  On  the  evening  of  the  14th,  after  dinner, 
the  two  Bulgarian  statesmen,  with  the  Prince's  young 
brother,  adjourned  to  the  telegraph  room,  where  they  sat 


78  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

down  to  a  game  of  cards.  Towards  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning  the  machine  began  to  tick  and  the  clerk  read  off 
the  telegram  quoted  above.  They  immediately  roused  the 
Prince,  and  consulted  as  to  the  most  pressing  measures 
to  be  taken.  Major  Vinaroff  was  instructed  to  draw  up 
a  manifesto  to  the  army,  and  Stambuloff  one  to  the 
nation.  Shortly  after  daylight  prayer  was  held  in  the 
cathedral,  and  Prince  Alexander 'started  for  the  front, 
being  accompanied  by  Karaveloff  as  far  as  Sofia, 
Stambuloff  staying  behind  to  complete  arrangements 
in  Philippopolis  until  the  evening,  when  he,  with  Dr. 
Stransky,  followed. 

I  do  not  propose  to  give  an  account  of  the  campaign, 
which  has  been  ably  described  in  previous  works,  but 
shall  confine  myself  to  jotting  down  the  principal  events 
in  their  sequence. 

Upon  his  arrival  at  Sofia,  Stambuloff  was  met  by 
Karaveloff,  who  informed  him  that  Tsaribrod  had  been 
taken  by  the  Serbs,  and  that  the  Bulgarians  were  in 
retreat.  The  truth  was  that  the  Serbs,  being  numerically 
far  stronger,  and  having  concentrated  their  forces  before- 
hand on  a  fixed  plan,  had  beaten  in  the  Bulgarian  frontier 
defence,  and  were  advancing  full  of  confidence.  The 
situation  was  critical  in  the  extreme,  and  it  was  of  vital 
importance  to  hold  every  inch  of  ground  until  re- 
inforcements could  be  brought  up  from  the  south.  These 
were  coming  up  hourly  in  gallant  fashion,  two  men  often 
riding  on  one  horse,  and  the  infantry  making  forced 
marches  of  great  length,  several  regiments  from  Belovo 
having  come  in  —  seventy  kilometres  —  to  Sofia,  within 
twenty-four  hours. 


THE  SERVIAN    WAR.  79 

On  the  17th  a  message  came  from  Slivnitza,  saying 
that  the  army  was  in  great  straits  for  provisions  and 
ammunition,  and  was  very  inferior  in  numbers  to  the 
invaders. 

A  council  was  held  at  2  a.m.,  at  which  it  was  decided 
that  the  Prince  might  return  to  Sofia  if  he  judged  fit, 
but  that  the  position  was  to  be  held  by  the  army  at 
all  hazards,  and  Stambuloff  was  deputed  to  carry  the 
resolution  to  the  Prince.  He  found  His  Highness 
sitting  on  a  litter  of  straw  in  his  tent,  which  was 
surrounded  with  wounded  and  dead,  over  which  a 
priest  was  performing  the  last  rites.  Prince  Alexander 
received  the  decision  of  his  Council  very  ill,  being  vexed, 
in  the  first  instance,  that  they  should  offer  themselves  to 
dictate  the  movements  of  the  Army,  and  secondly,  at  the 
suggestion  that  he  should  quit  the  camp,  a  step  he  scouted 
the  idea  of  taking. 

On  the  19th  the  Bulgarians  gained  their  first  advantage, 
and  were,  moreover,  strongly  reinforced.  The  fighting  con- 
tinued for  several  days  more  with  small  intermission,  and 
ended,  as  everybody  knows,  in  the  utter  defeat  and  rout  of 
the  Servian  Army,  which  was  pursued  through  Pirot  to 
Nish.  Stambuloff,  whose  pugnacious  disposition  revelled 
in  conflict,  entered  as  a  volunteer  in  Colonel  Nicolaieff' s 
brigade,  and  fought  throughout  the  campaign  as  a  private. 
During  this  period  he  was  in  frequent  contact  with  Prince 
Alexander  and  the  old  misunderstanding  between  them 
was  buried  for  ever.  From  the  conclusion  of  the  war  to 
the  day  of  his  quitting  Bulgaria  Prince  Alexander  looked 
almost  exclusively  to  Stambuloff  for  advice  and  support, 
and  the  ties  which  bound  them  were  not  those  of  master 


8o  ^  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

and  servant  so  much  as  an  affectionate  respect  on  each 
side  for  the  quaUties  of  the  other. 

Whilst  the  Bulgars  and  the  Serbs  were  engaged  in 
earnest  battle  at  Slivnitza,  Tsaribrod,  Pirot,  and  Nish,  the 
Conference  of  Ambassadors  at  Constantinople  was  carrying 
on  a  series  of  engagements  hardly  less  exciting,  if  more 
peaceable  in  form,  over  the  white  surface  of  Protocols. 

By  hurrying  up  every  available  man  to  the  Servian 
frontier,  Prince  Alexander  had,  probably  quite  unwittingly, 
taken  away  one  of  the  principal  arms  from  those  who 
were  in  favour  of  a  restitution  of  the  status  quo  ante. 
England  was  now  able  to  say  that  the  Prince  had  with- 
drawn with  his  troops  from  Eastern  Roumelia,  and  there 
was  no  longer  any  need  to  fear  complications  arising 
from  their  presence.  By  pertinaciously  adhering  to  her 
original  line,  she  succeeded  in  delaying  any  decision 
adverse  to  the  Union  until  the  brilliant  victories  of  the 
Bulgarian  Army  had  given  the  Prince  quite  a  new  stand- 
ing in  the  eyes  of  the  Powers. 

When  war  was  declared,  all  Europe  expected  to  see  the 
Servian  Army  occupy  Sofia  within  a  fortnight,  but  when, 
in  about  that  space  of  time,  it  was  to  all  intents  and 
purposes  annihilated,  and  the  Bulgarians  were  marching 
on  to  Belgrade  without  the  slightest  chance  of  meeting 
with  any  serious  opposition,*  both  Russia  and  Austria 
thought  it  time  to  interfere. 

Count  Khevenhuller  accordingly  entered  the  camp,  and 
peremptorily  told  Prince  Alexander  that  if  he  went  any 
further,  he  would  find  himself  with  Austrians,  instead  of 

*  The  Servian  troops  had  only  one  round  of  ammunition,  per  man, 
left  when  Austria  forbade  the  Bulgarian  advance. 


THE  SERVIAN  WAR.  8i 

Servians,  in  front  of  him,  and  a  Russian  force  behind 
him.  In  the  face  of  such  a  declaration,  there  was  noth- 
ing to  be  done  but  to  submit,  and  a  short  armistice  was 
proclaimed.  The  Conference  wished  to  arrange  a  long 
armistice  preparatory  to  the  signature  of  peace,  but 
Prince  Alexander  refused  to  sign  one  as  long  as  any 
Servian  troops  remained  on  Bulgarian  territory.  A  long 
and  tedious  wrangle  over  this  question  went  on  all 
through  December,  and  finally  the  Powers  decided  to 
appoint  a  Military  Commission  to  arbitrate  on  the  results 
of  the  war,  and  decide  the  respective  advantages  and 
losses  to  be  gained  and  borne  by  both  parties.  This 
Commission  was  formed  of  the  various  military  attaches 
to  the  Court  at  Vienna,  amongst  whom  were  General 
Kaulbars,  for  Russia,  and  Colonel  Keith  Eraser,  for 
England.  They  met  at  Pirot,  and  drew  up  the  conditions 
of  the  armistice  in  five  articles,  with  a  preamble  to  the 
effect  that  they  recognised  the  advantages  gained  by  the 
Bulgarian  Army. 

Article  i.  stated  that  the  armistice  concluded  at  Pirot 
on  that  day,  the  21st  December,  should  last  until  the  ist 
March,  1886. 

Article  ii.  provided  for  the  evacuation  by  belligerent 
troops  of  the  territory  respectively  occupied  by  them,  the 
Servians  to  evacuate  first,  and  such  evacuation  to  be 
complete  by  the  25  th  December,  whilst  the  evacuation 
by  the  Bulgarians  was  to  be  completed  two  days  later. 

Article  iii.  provided  for  a  neutral  zone  of  three  kilo- 
metres along  the  frontier. 

Article  iv.  treated  of  the  return  of  prisoners. 

Article  v.  provided  for  the  immediate  appointment  of 


82  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

delegates  charged  with  negotiations  for   the   conclusion 
of  peace. 

It  will  be  seen  that  Bulgaria  received  no  compensation, 
and  no  reward  for  her  brilliant  little  campaign,  but  it 
nevertheless  secured  to  her  a  large  measure  of  sympathy 
and  respect,  and  was  indirectly  the  cause  of  the  closing 
of  the  famous  Conference,  which  died  a  natural  death 
whilst  the  armistice  negotiations  were  in  progress.  The 
last  meeting  was  held  on  November  25th,  when  the 
Turkish  delegates  made  a  desperate  effort  to  carry  their 
list  of  resolutions,  but  were  stoutly  resisted  by  Sir  William 
White.* 

Seeing  that  it  had  no  chance  of  obtaining  the 
unanimous  consent  of  the  Representatives  so  long  as  the 
British  refused  his  adhesion,  the  Turkish  Government 
tried  one  of  the  ruses  which  enter  so  largely  into  the 
essence  of  Eastern  diplomacy.  It  drew  up  a  copy  of  the 
Turkish  resolutions  as  proposed  at  the  Conference,  and 
adding  that  they  had  been  approved  by  the  Representa- 
tives of  certain  of  the  Powers,  invited  the  population  of 
Eastern  Roumelia  to  submit  to  these.  This  document 
was  despatched,  with  some  hurry  and  secrecy,  by  two 
special  delegates  to  Philippopolis.  The  Russian,  Austrian, 
and  Italian  Governments  instructed  their  Consuls  in  that 
city  to  act  as  delegates,  together  with  the  two  Turkish 

*  M.  De  Giers,  in  Petersburg,  observed  to  Sir  Robert  Morier,  in 
the  course  of  conversation,  that  after  this  meeting  the  Representa- 
tives had  adjourned,  "formally  till  Saturday,  but  really  sine  die.  1  his 
result  had  been  brought  about  by  Sir  William  White  having  de- 
manded the  suppression  of  Articles  3  and  4  of  the  Turkish 
Resolutions,  and  that  of  all  reference  to  the  Treaty  of  Berlin." 
Blue  Book,  Turkey,  No.  i.  1886,  p.  371. 


THE  SERVIAN   WAR.  83 

emissaries,  for  the  choosing  of  a  Governor-General,  or 
other  points  in  the  programme,  and  it  looked  almost 
as  if  the  trick  were  going  to  succeed,  and  the  resolutions 
were  to  be  foisted  upon  Roumelia  as  the  result  of  the 
Conference,  which  they  were  not.  England,  however, 
instantly  entered  a  most  energetic  protest,  and  the 
Roumelians  themselves  received  the  delegates  very  coolly. 
The  Russian  Consul-General  proposed  that  an  official 
reception  should  be  given  to  them,  intimating  that 
Turkish  troops  would  surely  occupy  the  province,  should 
the  wishes  of  the  Sultan  not  be  complied  with.  The 
representative  members  of  the  meeting  in  which  he  held 
this  language,  declared  that  they  would  resist  a  Turkish 
army  if  necessary,  and  would  prefer  to  return  to  the 
status  quo  a?ite  rather  than  submit  to  Russian  influence ; 
and  carried  a  resolution  begging  the  Consular  body  to  use 
their  influence  to  obtain  the  recall  of  the  delegates,  whom 
they  looked  upon  as  Russian  agents. 

The  Prefect  of  Philippopolis,  on  the  grounds  that  a  state 
of  siege  existed,  prevented  the  Ottoman  emissaries  from 
publishing  or  otherwise  distributing  their  proclamation, 
and  the  attempt  ended  in  fiasco,  but  it  is  worth  quoting 
as  a  specimen  of  the  kind  of  attacks  Bulgaria  was  being 
subjected  to  by  the  Porte  and  Russia. 

The  Bulgarians  by  this  time  fancied  that  they  could, 
perhaps,  come  to  terms  with  the  Porte  by  themselves,  and 
in  January  despatched  M.  Tsanoff,  the  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  to  Constantinople,  to  treat  with  Said 
Pasha.  The  result  was  that,  on  the  ist  February,  the 
bases  of  a  Turco-Bulgarian  agreement  were  decided  upon, 
almost  identical  with  those  mentioned  by  the  Marquis  of 


84  M.    STAMBULOFF. 

Salisbury  in  his  first  despatch  of  November,  1885.  The 
only  point  on  which  there  seemed  to  be  a  likehhood  of 
dissension  was  the  provision  for  a  five-yearly  renewal  of 
the  Firman  appointing  the  Prince  as  Governor-General  of 
Eastern  Roumelia.  Another  Conference  was  called,  and 
the  same  tactics  were  pursued  by  all  parties  respectively. 
Prince  Alexander,  however,  refused  altogether  the  quin- 
quennial Firman,  and  his  attitude  on  this  point  caused 
considerable  embarrassment.  Finally,  however,  he  agreed, 
out  of  deference  to  the  Powers,  to  accept  an  agreement, 
which  was,  in  effect,  a  compromise,  simply  naming  him 
Governor-General,  "  according  to  Article  xvii.  of  the 
Treaty  of  Berlin,"  not  for  life,  as  he  wished,  nor  for  five 
years  as  the  Porte  had  proposed.  A  Special  Commission 
was  to  be  named  by  the  Sultan  and  the  Prince,  to  revise  and 
modify,  where  necessary,  the  Organic  Statute,  taking  into 
consideration  the  needs  of  the  people,  and  the  interests  of 
the  Ottoman  Treasury. 

In  other  respects  all  the  provisions  of  the  Treaty  of 
Berlin  were  to  remain  in  force. 

The  Special  Commission  was  to  work  for  four  months, 
and  lay  the  results  of  its  labours  before  a  Conference 
of  the  Powers,  which  would  then  discuss  and  give  their 
formal  sanction  to  the  revised  Statute. 

Before  this  had  been  carried  through  peace  had  been 
signed  at  Bucharest,  on  the  3rd  March,  in  the  briefest 
possible  manner,  between  Bulgaria  and  Servia.  Neither 
party  would  agree  to  the  insertion  of  any  phrase  hinting 
that  amicable  relations  had  been  restored,  and  a  cat-and- 
dog  Treaty  was  framed  in  one  Article  as  follows  : — 

"  Peace  is  re-established  from  this  date  between  the 
Kingdom  of  Servia  and  the  Principality  of  Bulgaria." 


THE   SERVIAN  WAR.  85 

By  the  beginning  of  the  summer  of  1886  Bulgaria 
seemed  in  a  fair  way  to  conquer  all  her  difficulties,  and 
had  it  not  been  for  the  implacable  animosity  of  Russia, 
there  is  no  saying  how  far  she  would  have  succeeded. 
The  first  incident  in  this  connection  was  the  discovery 
of  a  plot,  at  Bourgas,  hatched  by  a  Russian  officer,  a 
Captain  Nabokoff,  aided  by  some  Montenegrins,  for 
abducting  the  Prince  if  possible,  or  in  the  event  of 
resistance,  for  killing  him.  The  accusation  was  strenu- 
ously denied,  both  by  the  Captain  and  by  the  Russian 
Foreign  Office,  which  seemed  inclined  at  one  moment  to 
make  a  diplomatic  question  of  it,  but  the  Bulgarians 
having  released  their  prisoners,  and  handed  them  over 
to  the  Russian  Consulate,  the  matter  was  allowed  to 
drop.  Viewed  in  the  light  of  subsequent  events,  there 
can  be  little  doubt  that  the  plot  existed;  in  fact,  the  one 
aim  and  object  of  Russia  was  to  get  rid  of  Prince 
Alexander,  who,  from  being  a  passive  tool  in  her  hands, 
now  showed  far  too  much  independence  to  please  her. 
Meanwhile,  the  Special  Commission  had  begun  its 
labours  for  the  re-organization  of  Eastern  Roumelia,  and 
the  first  National  Assembly  with  Roumelian  Deputies 
had  met  at  Sofia.  The  elections  had  not  been  carried 
without  some  disorder,  giving  fresh  grounds  for  Russian 
complaints,  which  culminated  in  strong  indignation  at 
the  Speech  from  the  Throne  at  the  opening  of  the 
Assembly.  In  this  speech  the  Prince  congratulated  the 
Deputies  on  the  Union,  and  made  no  mention  of  the 
Treaty  of  Berlin,  of  the  Commission  for  the  Revision  of 
the  Statute,  and,  most  heinous  of  all  omissions,  no 
traditional    expression    of    gratitude    to    Russia.      This 


86  M.    STAMBULOFF. 

speech  was  blamed  all  over  Europe,  and  Russia  took 
advantage  of  the  indiscretion  to  urge  once  more  upon 
the  various  Cabinets  the  necessity  of  reducing  the 
growing  spirit  of  independence  shown  by  Prince  Alex- 
ander, to  some  sort  of  obedience  to  the  dictates  of  the 
Powers. 

In  the  middle  of  all  these  conflicts  and  discussions 
came  the  Cotip  d'etat,  which  upset  the  whole  course 
of  events  in  a  most  theatrical  and  unexpected  fashion. 

During  the  period  between  the  war  and  the  Coup 
d'etat,  which  I  have  just  sketched  as  rapidly  as  possible, 
Stambuloff  contented  himself  with  his  practice  as  a 
lawyer,  and  took  small  part  in  public  life  beyond  ful- 
filling his  duties  as  President  of  the  Chamber. 

We  shall,  however,  soon  find  him  assuming  a  com- 
manding position,  from  which  he  was  only  ousted  last 
year. 


CHAPTER   V. 

THE    COUP  D'ETAT. 

Bendereff  slaps  his  elbow — The  intercepted  letter — A  woman's  caprice 
— "Where  is  Prince  Alexander?" — The  Zankoffists  in  the  mud — 
Clement's  Provisional  Government  of  twelve  hours — Stambuloff's 
Manifesto--Panoff  dissolves  Clement's  Cabinet — Prince  Alexander's 
return — Stambuloff's  sleep,  and  the  consequences — The  telegram  to 
the  Czar,  and  its  answer — Punica fides  of  Russian  Agents — Prince 
Alexander's  final  departure. 

TO  seek  the  motives  which  rendered  it  possible  for 
the  conspirators  to  kidnap  Prince  Alexander,  and 
by  which  they  were  actuated  in  the  first  instance,  it  is 
necessary  to  go  back  to  the  camp  at  Slivniza.  On  the 
1 8th  November,  Captain  Bendereff  had  been  strictly 
ordered  by  the  Prince  to  act  solely  upon  the  defensive, 
but,  seeing  what  he  considered  a  favourable  opportunity, 
he  attacked  one  of  the  flanks  and  defeated  them  entirely, 
returning  to  his  position  much  elated,  and  proud  of  his 
success.  In  the  evening  the  officers  were  all  assembled 
at  "  Headquarters,"  which  was  a  miserable  tavern,  and 
were  drinking  and  conversing  over  the  day's  fight.  The 
scene  which  followed  was  recounted  to  me  by  an  eye- 
witness. Major  Petroff,  the  Chief  of  the  Staff,  reproached 
Bendereff  with  having  disobeyed  orders,  adding  that  the 
Prince  was  very  angry  with  him.  Bendereff,  flushed  with 
wine  and  victory,  retorted  insolently,  slapping  his  elbow 

87 


88  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

with  a  well-known  Bulgarian  gesture  of  contempt,  "  The 
Prince  knows  no  more  about  tactics  than  my  arm."  Just 
before  the  words  were  uttered  the  Prince  himself  had 
joined  the  group,  and  was  silently  looking  on.  He  made 
no  remark,  but  turned  away,  and  went  back  to  his  tent. 
But  when  the  campaign  was  over,  and  rewards  were  being 
distributed,  he  refused  to  decorate  Bendereff  with  the 
Order  for  Valour,  or  to  promote  him  from  Captain  to 
Major,  as  was  done  in  the  case  of  Petroff,  Panoff,  Grueff, 
and  many  others.  This  naturally  aroused  the  bitter 
resentment  of  the  slighted  officer,  who  was  always 
popularly  considered  as  one  of  the  most  prominent  heroes 
of  the  Servian  campaign.  He  vowed  vengeance,  and  at 
once  entered  into  relations  with  Russia.  Another 
measure,  which  alienated  many  of  the  more  independent 
and  ambitious  spirits  in  the  army,  was  the  promulgation 
of  an  order  taking  away  the  power  of  promotion  and 
reward  from  the  department  of  the  Minister  of  War,  and 
vesting  it  in  the  person  of  the  Prince  and  the  Head 
of  his  Staff,  Major  Petroff,  whose  nepotism  soon  became 
a  byAvord. 

The  malcontents  rapidly  increased  in  numbers,  and 
in  them  the  Russian  Party  found  the  willing  and  capable 
instruments  which  they  had  hitherto  sought  in  vain.  It 
is,  however,  not  proved  that  official  Russia  had  any 
cognisance  of  the  plot,  though,  from  the  frequent  over- 
tures previously  made  by  M.  Koyander  and  others,  the 
conspirators  were  sure  of  having  the  most  complete 
approval  from  St.  Petersburg  if  they  succeeded. 

It  is  curious  to  note  on  what  small  accidents  the 
success    or   failure    of  such   plans    often    rests,   and   the 


THE   COUP  D'ETAT.  89 

following  facts  are  a  striking  illustration  of  this.  Stam- 
buloff  was  at  Tirnovo  all  the  summer,  and  on  the  15th 
August  he  went  to  Rustchuk  with  the  intention  of  making 
a  prolonged  tour  in  Europe  for  the  benefit  of  his  health. 
Had  he  carried  out  his  intention,  the  future  course  of 
events  would  probably  have  been  altogether  different,  but 
no  sooner  had  he  arrived  than  he  received  a  telegram  from 
a  client,  saying  his  case  was  coming  on  before  the  court 
on  the  19th,  and  begging  Stambuloff  to  come  back  and 
defend  him.  He  therefore  returned  to  Tirnovo,  but  he 
never  defended  his  friend,  as  the  court  adjourned  to  the 
23rd,  and  before  then  the  Coup  d'etat  had  occurred. 
Whilst  waiting  in  Tirnovo  he  received  advice  from  one  of 
his  partisans,  whose  name  I  withhold,  that  he  had  seen 
a  letter  of  serious  import,  and  would  like  to  talk  to 
Stambuloff  about  it.  Stambuloff  told  him  to  come  at 
once,  but  he  delayed  until  the  22nd.  The  letter  was 
written  by  Velitchkoff,  now  Minister  of  Finance,  to 
Madjaroff,  present  Minister  of  Ways  and  Communi- 
cations. Velitchkoff  was  in  Sofia,  and  Madjaroff  was 
at  Philippopolis,  living  next  door  to  a  warm  Liberal. 
The  letter  detailed  the  plot  for  the  abduction  of  the 
Prince,  and  was  too  compromising  to  be  entrusted  to 
the  post.  It  was  therefore  sent  by  private  hand.  The 
messenger,  who  was  strange  to  Philippopolis,  went  to  the 
wrong  house,  and  the  door  was  opened  by  its  mistress. 
He  enquired  if  M.  Madjaroff  were  at  home.  The  lady 
replied  that  he  was  not,  and  asked  him  what  he  wanted. 
He  foolishly  said  that  he  was  the  bearer  of  a  letter  from 
M.  Velitchkoff,  which  he  was  to  deliver  personally. 
Madame carelessly  said,  "Oh  !  you  can  give  it  to 


90  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

me,"  and  took  it.  She  at  once  opened,  read  it,  and 
communicated  its  tenour  to  the  friend  above-mentioned, 
her  husband  being  away  on  service.  She  refused, 
however,  to  show  him  the  letter  for  a  daj'  or  two, 
and  on  this  feminine  caprice  depended  the  abduction, 
since  had  Stambuloff  perused  the  letter  three  days 
earlier  he  would  have  been  able  to  defeat  the  plot. 
As  it  was,  everything  seemed  to  favour  the  scheme, 
which,  it  must  be  admitted,  was  laid  with  consummate 
skill.  On  the  night  of  the  20th  August,  the  Prince  was 
surrounded  in  his  palace,  and  forced,  with  revolvers 
pointed  at  his  brow,  to  sign  what  purported  to  be  his 
abdication. 

On  the  morning  of  the  21st,  before  it  was  light,  he 
was  driven  off  to  the  Danube,  where  his  own  yacht 
was  in  waiting,  hurried  on  board,  and  all  steam  was 
got  up.  It  was  a  race  for  life  for  the  conspirators,  as 
should  they  fail  in  reaching  Russian  territory  with  the 
kidnapped  Prince  before  the  news  of  his  whereabouts 
was  known,  it  was  almost  certain  they  would  be  stopped. 
Orders  were  in  fact  given,  too  late,  by  the  Roumanians 
to  fire  upon  the  yacht,  but  it  had  already  passed.  The 
excitement  all  over  Europe  was  intense,  and  for  two  or 
three  days  nobody  knew  where  the  unfortunate  Prince 
had  been  taken,  the  Bulgarians  having,  with  tolerable 
success,  cut  off  all  communication,  postal  and  telegraphic, 
with  the  outer  world. 

Meanwhile,  the  Principality  was  in  a  state  of  tumult, 
not  easy  to  imagine,  still  less  to  describe. 

It  was  on  the  21st  that  Stambuloff  received  a  telegram 
to  the  effect  that   the   Prince  was  deposed,   and  giving 


THE   COUP  D'ilTAT.  91 

a  list  of  the  members  of  a  Provisional  Government, 
amongst  which  were  the  names  of  Stambuloff  himself, 
Stoiloff,  and  Grekoff.  Refusing  to  believe  the  news, 
he  replied,  asking  if  it  were  serious,  and  summoning 
Karavelofif  to  the  other  end  of  the  wire— it  being  the 
common  habit  in  Bulgaria  for  the  telegraph  to  be  used, 
in  emergencies,  almost  like  a  telephone.  A  reply  came  to 
the  effect  that  Karave'loff  was  under  arrest,  upon  which 
Stambuloff  replied  to  Zankoff,  who  was  at  the  other  end, 
that  he  "recognized  no  Provisional  Government,  and 
would  have  neither  part  nor  share  in  the  doings  of 
traitors,  on  whose  accursed  shoulders  should  rest  the 
whole  responsibihty."  Leaving  Stambuloff  for  a  moment 
to  his  reflections,  we  must  turn  to  Sofia.  As  soon  as  the 
Prince  was  safely  out  of  the  town,  the  conspirators,  by 
means  of  forged  orders  from  the  Minister  of  War,  made 
themselves  masters  of  the  artillery,  and  as  day  was 
breaking,  the  rebels  fired  volleys  in  the  air,  to  rouse  the 
inhabitants.  Zankoff,  with  a  mob  of  his  partizans,  delivered 
a  harangue  before  the  Russian  Agency,  and  M.  Bogdanoff, 
in  response,  appeared  at  his  window  with  the  Metropolitan 
Clement,  and  made  a  speech,  assuring  them  of  Russian 
sympathy.  This  was  listened  to  by  the  ZankofKists 
kneeling  in  the  mud,  and  was  supplemented  next  day 
by  the  placarding  of  the  following  telegram  from  St. 
Petersburg : 

*'  As  before,  Russia  will  be  actuated  by  heartfelt  good- 
will for  the  Bulgarians.  The  Imperial  Government  has 
no  thoughts  of  an  occupation,  and  will  ever  give  their 
support  to  those  Bulgarians  who  strive  to  maintain  order 
and  quiet  in  the  country,  so  that  its  future  well-being  may 
be  secured." 


92  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

Whether  Russia  considered  that  the  party  who  had 
effected  the  disgraceful  Coup  ^'^/(z/ answered  the  description 
of  the  Bulgarians,  to  whom  it  would  "  ever  give  support," 
is  not  clear,  but  Zankoff  and  his  crew  evidently  took  it  in 
this  sense,  and  it  was  perfectly  clear  that  Russia  had  not 
a  word  of  blame  for  the  conspiracy. 

Being  now  in  full  possession  of  the  town,  the  military 
seemed  anxious  to  shift  the  onus  of  what  had  occurred, 
and  still  more  so  of  what  might  soon  happen,  on  to  a 
Provisional  Government.  Telegrams  had  already  been 
despatched  all  over  the  Principality,  with  the  forged 
signatures  of  Karaveloff,  Nikiforoff,  Minister  of  War,  and 
Stambuloff,  but  Karaveloff  declined  to  join  any  new 
Government,  and  was  confined  to  his  house  by  a  guard. 
The  new  Ministry  was  then  formed  as  follows  : — 


President  of  the  Council 
Minister  of  Interior     . 

,,  Foreign  Affairs 

War 
Minister  of  Finance    . 
,,  Justice 

,,  Education 


The  METRoroLiTAN  Clement. 

Dragan  Zankoff. 

Ch.  Stoyanoff. 

Major  Nikiforoff, 

Th.  Bourmoff. 

Radoslavoff. 

Velitchkoff. 


Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army     Major  Grueff, 

who  was  head  of  the  Military  School  and  ringleader, 
together  with  Bendereff,  in  the  plot  which  had  just 
succeeded. 

Over  these  names  was  published  the  following  pro- 
clamation : 

"  To  the  Bulgarian  Nation  ! 

"To-day,  at  2  o'clock  a.m..  Prince  Alexander  of 
Battenberg  abdicated  for  ever  the  throne  of  Bulgaria, 
owing  to  his  firm  conviction  that  a  continuation  of  his 
reign  would  only  bring  about  the  ruin  of  the  Bulgarian 


THE   COUP   D'ETAT.  93 

people.  In  view  of  this  event  a  Provisional  Government 
has  been  formed,  which,  in  assuming  the  direction  of 
affairs  until  the  meeting  of  the  National  Assembly, 
guarantees  the  life  and  honour  of  Bulgarians  as  well  as 
foreigners,  being  convinced  that  the  inhabitants  of  Bul- 
garia, without  distinction  of  religion,  race,  or  political 
opinions,  will  second  our  efforts  in  maintaining  order. 
"The  Bulgarian  people  may  be  well  assured  that  His 
Imperial  Majesty  the  Czar,  the  Protector  of  Bulgaria,  will 
not  cease  to  afford  his  powerful  aid  and  protection  to  our 
country.     Long  live  the  Bulgarian  Nation  !     Vivat ! '' 

This  proclamation  had  not  had  time  to  reach  Tirnovo 
before  Stambuloff  had  launched  his  counter  to  it  by 
telegram.  Directly  he  had  the  first  intimation  of  the 
Coup  d'etat,  he  called  a  meeting  of  his  partisans,  amongst 
whom  was  his  old  friend  Slaveilcoff.  In  fiery  words  he 
declared  that  there  was  not  an  hour  to  lose,  and  that 
an  abyss  was  yawning  before  Bulgaria.  He  recapitulated 
all  the  trials  the  country  had  gone  through  in  order  to 
obtain  their  Prince,  and  the  devotion  Alexander  had 
shown  to  his  adopted  people.  Was  all  this  to  end  in 
handing  over  Bulgaria  to  Russia,  and  were  Bulgarians 
traitorously  to  perform  what  all  Europe  had  in  vain 
attempted?  At  least  there  was  one  who  would  never 
lend  his  name  to  such  disgrace,  and  he  called  upon  all 
true  patriots  to  rally  round  him.  His  speech  was  greeted 
with  acclamation,  and  a  general  meeting  of  the  inhabitants 
was  called.  Here  a  tumultuous  scene  ensued,  all  shouting 
that  they  wished  for  Prince  Alexander,  and  looked  to 
Stambuloff  to  bring  him  back.  Accordingly  he  sounded 
the  officers,  with  the  exception  of  Captain  Bonefif,  whom 
he  knew  to  be  on  the  other  side,  and  found  them  all 
ready  to  declare  against  the  Provisional  Government. 


94  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

He  then  drew  up  his  counter-proclamation,  as  follows  : 

"In  the  name  of  Alexander  I.,  Prince  of  Bulgaria,  and 
of  the  National  Assembly,  I  declare  to  be  outlaws  the 
Members  of  the  Provisional  Government,  at  the  head 
of  which  is  Clement,  and  anyone  who  obeys  the  orders 
of  that  Government  shall  be  tried  and  punished  by 
military  law.  I  appoint  Lieut.-Colonel  Mutkiiroff  to  be 
Commander-in-Chief  of  all  the  Bulgarian  forces,  and  I 
order  all  the  authorities  of  the  countr}',  both  civil  and 
military,  to  submit  without  attempting  opposition.  I 
appeal  to  the  heroic  people  of  Bulgaria  to  defend  the 
throne  and  the  country  against  the  traitors  who  have  tried 
to  dethrone  our  heroic  and  well-beloved  Prince.  May 
God  Almighty  give  us  strength  for  the  nation  to  defend 
its  honour  and  rights,  and  the  glory  of  our  country  and 
of  our  Prince,  elected  by  itself.     Bulgaria  for  ever  ! 

"  Long  live  the  Prince  of  Bulgaria,  Alexander  I. ! 

(Signed)     "  Stambuloff, 

"  President  of  the  National  Assejubly. 

"  MUTKUROFF, 

^^  Lieut. -Colonel,  Conunander-in-Chief  of  the 
Bulgarian  Forces.'''' 

This  proclamation  was  telegraphed  simultaneously  to 
Philippopolis,  where  Colonel  Mutkiiroff  commanded,  and 
to  Sofia,  Stambuloff  having  taken  forcible  possession  of 
the  telegraph  station  at  Tirnovo,  in  spite  of  Captain 
Boneff  At  Philippopolis  the  whole  of  the  troops  were 
easily  wen  over  to  the  good  cause.  There  was  a  moment 
of  hesitation;  but  our  Consul -General,  Captain  Jones, 
V.C.,  lost  no  time  in  calling  upon  Mutkuroff,  and  making 
a  most  forcible  appeal  to  his  honour  not  to  take  the  oath 
of  allegiance  to  traitors,  but  to  stand  by  his  Prince, 
soon  persuaded  him  to  declare  against  the  Provisional 
Government.  Mutkuroff  promptly  installed  himself  in 
the   Philippopolis  telegraph  office,  and   soon  learnt   that 


THE   COUP  D  ETAT.  95 

Tirnovo,  Plevna,  and  Haskeui  had  decided  for  the 
Prince ;  and  further,  that  the  SHvnitza  Brigade  had  seized 
their  disloyal  officers,  and  were  marching  upon  Sofia  to 
demand  the  release  of  Major  Popoff,  their  Commandant, 
who  had  been  imprisoned  by  the  conspirators.  In  Sofia, 
Major  Panoff,  Commandant -General  of  Artillery,  an 
officer  of  tried  energy  and  decision  of  character,  recovered 
his  command,  and  seized  the  Sofia  telegraph,  putting 
himself  in  immediate  communication  with  Stambuloff 
at  Tirnovo,  where  the  small  telegraph  station  became 
temporarily  the  seat  of  government.  Their  great  anxiety 
was  to  avoid  bloodshed  between  the  troops ;  but  it  soon 
became  apparent  that  the  whole  organisation  of  the 
conspiracy  was  broken  up. 

As  soon  as  he  spoke  to  Panoff,  Stambuloff  ordered  him 
very  concisely  to  "  Dissolve  the  Provisional  Government, 
and  hold  the  town  for  the  Prince  as  Commandant," 
which  laconic  instruction,  with  the  help  of  Major  Popoff, 
and  a  detachment  of  his  ist  Regiment  which  had 
arrived  from  Slivnitza,  he  fulfilled  with  commendable 
alacrity.  In  this  truly  extraordinary  fashion  was  a 
reigning  Prince  kidnapped  out  of  his  own  palace,  the 
whole  of  Bulgaria  nominally  placed  under  a  Provisional 
Government  in  undisputed  possession  of  the  capital, 
and  that  same  Government  overthrown,  without  a  single 
drop  of  blood  being  shed,  or  the  slightest  disorder 
taking  place.  The  various  proclamations  by  Stambuloff 
and  his  decisive  assumption  of  power  were  stigmatized 
as  unconstitutional,  and  may,  perhaps,  be  considered 
as  the  first  of  many  similar  arbitrary  measures  taken 
by  him,  but,  as  President  of  the  National  Assembly,  he 


96  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

declared  himself  the  only  legal  representative  of  authority 
left  in  the  land,  and  nothing  but  admiration  can  be  felt 
for  the  firm  and  uncompromising  loyalty  he  showed,  as 
well  as  for  the  pure  unselfishness  of  his  actions,  which 
were  prompted  by  the  cleanest  patriotism,  untainted  with 
the  least  desire  for  self-glorification. 

Having  turned  out  the  famous  Provisional  Govern- 
ment, a  Regency  was  declared,  consisting  of  Karaveloff, 
Stambuloff,  and  Nikiforoff,  with  Radoslavoff  as  Minister 
of  Interior,  and  Stoiloff  of  Foreign  Affairs,  to  last  until 
they  could  find  and  bring  back  the  Prince.  Stambuloff 
consented  to  this  only  under  reserves,  as  regarded 
Karaveloff,  but  his  whole  attention  was  directed  firstly  to 
discovering  the  whereabouts  of  Prince  Alexander.  An 
amusing, exchange  of  telegrams,  which  would  have  been 
comical,  had  not  the  issues  at  stake  been  so  grave,  was 
now  going  on  all  over  Europe,  and  it  finally  transpired 
that  the  Prince  had  been  landed  at  Reni,  on  Russian 
territory,  and  forwarded  by  the  Russian  authorities  to 
the  frontier  at  Lemberg,  where  he  was  set  at  liberty.  On 
learning  this,  Stambuloff  despatched  a  telegram  to  His 
Highness,  of  which  no  copy  seems  to  have  been  kept, 
saying  that  the  whole  of  Bulgaria  was  longing  for  his 
return,  and  entreating  him  to  come  and  take  back  the 
crown,  which  he,  Stambuloff,  was  holding  for  him.  The 
Prince  resolved,  without  hesitation,  to  accept,  and  passing 
through  Vienna,  where  he  was  joined  by  Natchevitch, 
now  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  steamed  down  the 
Danube  to  Rustchuk.  The  promptness  of  his  reply  to 
the  appeal  relieved  Stambuloff's  mind  of  a  great  weight, 
as  Russia  had  already  signified  her  intention  of  sending 


THE   COUP  D'ETAT.  97 

Prince  Dolgorouky  as  Imperial  Commissioner,  and  it 
became  a  race  as  to  which  should  arrive  first.  Had 
Prince  Alexander  delayed,  and  Prince  Dolgorouky  an- 
ticipated him,  the  return  would  have  been  beset  with 
manifold  difficulties  and  dangers,  if  it  would  not  have 
become  impossible.  By  the  arrival  of  Prince  Alexander, 
though,  the  presence  of  an  Imperial  Commissioner  be- 
came unnecessary,  at  least  from  a  Bulgarian  point  of 
view.* 

The  feelings  of  M.  Stambuloff  as  the  yacht  steamed  up 
to  the  Rustchuk  landing  -  stage  must  have  been  indeed 
enviable,  and  the  meeting  betw^een  him  and  the  Prince 
was  affecting  in  the  extreme,  for  it  was  Stambuloff,  and  he 
alone,  who  had  saved  for  Prince  Alexander  what  was 
dearer  than  his  life — his  honour — and  had  brought  him 
back  triumphantly  to  the  palace  from  which  he  had  been 
so  ignominiously  spirited  away  by  a  band  of  half-drunken 
cadets.  In  a  few  emotional  sentences  Stambuloff  welcomed 
him  back,  told  him  that  he  had  merely  held  the  throne 
for  him  in  his  absence,  and  now  begged  to  be  allowed  to 
retire  for  a  while  into  private  life,  and  enjoy  a  rest  much 
needed,  leaving  him  with  a  Cabinet  ready  formed,  under 
Radoslavoff  The  Prince  replied  that  no  words  could 
express,  and  no  acts  repay,  the  debt  he  and  Bulgaria 
owed  to  Stambuloff,  and  he  asked  him  to  remain  with 
him  for  a  little  longer  at  least.     Such  a  request,  at  such 

*  Already,  on  the  26th,  Stambuloff  had  been  called  up  to  the 
telegraph  by  M.  Bogdanoff  to  listen  to  a  message  from  the  Emperor, 
stating  his  intention  to  send  Prince  Dolgorouky,  and  had  replied  that 
he  declined  to  hold  any  communication  with  an  associate  of  traitors, 
and,  moreover,  ordered  the  telegraph  clerk  to  turn  M.  Bogdanoff  out 
of  the  office,  which  he  proceeded  to  do  forthwith. 

G 


98  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

a  moment,  was  hard  to  refuse,  and  Stambuloff  agreed  to 
accompany  the  Prince  as  far  as  Sofia.  Amongst  the  crowd 
on  the  shore  assembled  to  greet  the  Prince,  stood  the 
Russian  Consul,  M.  Shatokhin,  in  full  uniform.  This 
mark  of  attention  flattered  the  exile  immensely,  and 
roused  again  a  feeble  hope  that  he  might  yet  reconcile 
himself  with  the  Czar.  In  the  course  of  a  short  conversa- 
tion with  Stambuloff,  he  even  expressed  his  pleasure  at 
the  prospect  of  having  Prince  Dolgorouky  sent  as 
Imperial  Commissioner,  but  was  met  with  a  blunt  reply 
that  there  was  no  longer  any  need  for  Russian  Com- 
missioners in  Bulgaria. 

Then  Stambuloff  held  a  brief  consultation  with 
Radoslavoff,  Natchevitch,  and  others,  and,  scarcely 
having  slept  for  five  days  and  nights,  withdrew  to  his 
own  apartments  to  rest  with  a  happy  sense  of  having 
accomplished  his  task.  And  he  slept  a  heavy,  unbroken 
slumber  for  fourteen  hours,  during  which  an  irrevocable 
error  was  committed  in  secret  by  the  Prince. 

For  whilst  the  watch-dog  slept,  Shatokhin,  in  his 
uniform,  called  upon  Prince  Alexander,  and  induced  him 
to  write  and  despatch  a  telegram  to  the  Czar,  so  worded 
as  to  lay  him  open  to  the  crushing  rejoinder  which 
followed.  What  hidden  motives  can  have  dictated  this 
colossal  blunder  no  man  can  tell.  It  was  probably  a 
sense  of  its  enormity  which  prompted  him  to  conceal 
the  fact  of  its  having  been  written,  even  from  Stambuloff. 
I  give  the  text  of  it  in  full : — 

"Sire,  having  resumed  the  government  of  my  country, 
I  venture  to  offer  your  Imperial  Majesty  my  most  respect- 
ful thanks  for  the  action  of  your  Imperial  Majesty's  repre- 


THE   COUP  D'ETAT.  99 

sentative  at  Rustchuk,  who  showed  the  Bulgarian  people, 
by  his  official  presence  at  my  reception,  that  the  Imperial 
Government  could  not  approve  the  revolutionary  act  of 
which  I  was  the  victim. 

"At  the  same  time,  I  beg  permission  to  express  to  your 
Imperial  Majesty  my  deep  gratitude  for  the  mission  of 
General  Prince  Dolgorouky,  Envoy  Extraordinary  of  your 
Imperial  Majesty,  for  my  first  act  in  resuming  my 
legitimate  authority,  is  to  announce  to  your  Imperial 
Majesty  my  firm  intention  to  spare  no  sacrifice,  in  order 
to  aid  your  Imperial  Majesty's  magnanimous  intention  to 
terminate  the  present  grave  crisis  through  which  Bulgaria 
is  passing. 

"  I  beg  your  Imperial  Majesty  to  authorise  Prince 
Dolgorouky  to  come  to  a  direct  understanding  with  me, 
as  soon  as  possible,  and  I  shall  be  happy  to  be  able  to 
give  your  Imperial  Majesty  decisive  proof  of  my  unalter- 
able devotion  to  your  august  person.  The  principle  of 
Monarchy  has  compelled  me  to  re  -  establish  a  legal 
government  in  Bulgaria  and  Roumelia.  Russia  gave 
me  my  crown  :  I  am  ready  to  return  it  into  the  hands 
of  her  Sovereign." 

The  most  plausible  explanation  of  this  humiliating 
prayer  for  protection,  addressed  to  the  very  Power  which 
had  been  the  active  agent  in  the  shameful  drama  of 
which,  as  Prince  Alexander  said,  he  had  been  the  victim, 
is  that  his  nerves  were  unstrung  by  what  he  had  gone 
through,  and  that  he  had  already  made  up  his  mind 
to  abdicate  the  Throne,  unless  he  could  obtain  Russian 
recognition.  It  was  in  sheer  desperation,  therefore,  that  he 
must  have  resolved  upon  a  last  appeal  to  his  implacable 
foe,  backed  by  a  decision,  should  it  fail,  to  give  up  the 
unequal  struggle.  In  writing  it  he  must  have  been 
in  woful  ignorance  of  the  light  in  which  he  was  re- 
garded in  Russia,  or  he  could  never  have  debased  himself 


loo  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

so  far  as  to  court  the  insult  he  might  have  known  would 
be  inflicted  upon  him  by  the  reply.* 

The  presence  of  Shatokhin  in  uniform  could  have  been 
nothing  more  than  a  trap  laid  in  order  to  inspire  false 
hopes,  and  the  incident  is  only  a  shade  less  degrading 
to  Russia  than  to  Prince  Alexander. 

After  spending  a  day  in  Rustchuk  in  feasting  and 
rejoicing,  the  party  set  off  for  Tirnovo  in  carriages, 
Stambuloff  riding  with  the  Prince,  and  the  whole  journey 
being  a  triumphal  procession  such  as  probably  will  never 
be  seen  again,  every  stoppage  in  the  route  being  the 
signal  for  frenzied  demonstrations  of  delight  in  honour  of 
the  recovered  Sovereign,  who,  in  addition  to  the  victor's 
laurels,  was  now  wearing  in  the  eyes  of  his  people  a 
martyr's  crown.  During  these  days  he  seemed  somewhat 
to  revive  in  spirits,  and  to  take  a  more  hopeful  view, 
being  cheered  by  the  demonstrations  of  devotion  on 
all  sides.     A  rude  awakening,  however,  was  in  store  from 

*  In  a  conversation  with  Sir  Robert  Morier,  at  St.  Petersburg,  who 
was  endeavouring  to  plead  the  cause  of  Prince  Alexander,  M.  de 
Giers  said  that  "  no  idea  could  easily  be  formed  of  the  intensity  of 
the  hatred  animating  every  class  of  the  Russian  nation,  from  the 
highest  to  the  lowest,  against  the  Prince.  "That  unfortunate 
young  man,"  he  continued,  "has  become  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Russian  people  the  incarnation  and  embodiment  of  everything 
which  most  deeply  stirs  the  national  indignation.  He  represents, 
in  the  first  place,  the  untold  ingratitude  of  the  Bulgarians  towards 
their  deliverers,  and  reminds  them  of  the  losses  of  blood  and 
treasure  incurred  in  a  war  which  yielded  no  other  results  than 
disappointments.  In  the  second  place  he  reminds  them  of  all  the 
humiliations  submitted  to  in  the  Constantinople  Conference,  and 
since.  Lastly,  he  represents  the  hopes  and  desires  of  Russia's 
enemies  Never,  therefore,  could  there  be  peace  between  him 
and  the  Russian  people." 


THE   COUP  D'ETAT.  loi 

any  dreams  he  may  have  cherished.  Whilst  sitting  at 
table  at  Novi  Zagora,  a  telegram  was  delivered  to  him, 
and  as  he  read  it  his  face  blanched.  He  rose  immediately, 
beckoning  to  Stambuloff  to  follow  him  into  an  adjoining 
room,  and  there,  with  tears  flowing,  he  repeated  the 
answer  of  the  Czar.  This  was  the  sledge-hammer  retort 
to  his  petition  : 

"  Have  received  Your  Highness'  telegram.  Cannot 
approve  your  return  to  Bulgaria,  foreseeing  disastrous 
consequences  to  country  already  so  severely  tried.  The 
mission  of  Prince  Dolgorouky  is  no  longer  desirable.  I 
shall  refrain  from  all  interference  with  the  sad  state  to 
which  Bulgaria  has  been  brought,  as  long  as  you  remain 
there.  Your  Highness  will  judge  what  is  your  proper 
course.  I  reserve  my  decision  as  to  my  future  action, 
which  will  be  in  conformity  with  the  obligations  imposed 
on  me  by  the  venerated  memory  of  my  father,  the  interests 
of  Russia,  and  the  peace  of  the  East. 

(Signed)  "  Alexander."  * 

The  hearing  of  such  words  came  like  a  thunderbolt 
upon  Stambuloff,  who  enquired  what  telegram  was 
referred  to  in  the  opening  line.  The  Prince  then  con- 
fessed his  thoughtless  action,  and  admitted  to  the  full  the 
enormity  of  his  fault.  At  the  same  time  he  declared  that 
it  was  quite  impossible  for  him  to  think  any  more  of 
remaining  in  Bulgaria.  Stambuloff,  although  he  could 
not  fail  to  see  the  difficulty  of  the  situation,  refused  to 
listen  to  any  idea  of  abdication,  and  insisted  upon  Prince 
Alexander's    continuance    on    his    path.       The    Prince 

*  This  telegram  was  a  fitting  close  to  the  part  played  by 
Russia  towards  Prince  Alexander,  a  part  which  in  history  must 
always  remain  the  greatest  blot  upon  the  memory  of  Alexander  the 
Peacemaker, 


I02  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

passively  allowed  himself  to  be  overcome  so  far  as  to 
agree  to  go  on  to  Sofia,  but  all  the  joy  and  triumph  had 
vanished,  and  the  reception  at  Sofia,  where  the  contents 
of  the  fatal  telegram  had  preceded  them,  though  touching 
and  hearty,  entirely  lacked  anything  like  enthusiasm. 

The  first  thing  Stambuloff  did  upon  his  arrival  in  Sofia 
was  to  call  Karave'loff  severely  to  account.  Various  facts 
which  had  leaked  out  seemed  to  leave  small  doubt  but 
that  he  had  had  knowledge  of  the  plot,  and  if  he  had 
declined  to  openly  join  the  Provisional  Government,  it 
was  only  from  natural  caution,  and  a  mistrust  as  to  the 
assured  success  of  the  Coup.  Stambuloff  demanded  of 
him  how  he  could  have  allowed  the  Prince  to  be  stolen 
away  "from  under  his  nose,  as  it  were,"  and  refused  to 
accept  Karaveloff's  excuse,  that  it  was  through  no  fault 
of  his.  The  interview  closed  by  Stambuloff's  remark, 
"  Either  you  are  a  traitor,  or  unfit  to  be  trusted  with  the 
Government.  Our  old  friendship  ceases  from  to-day. 
We  may  be  forced  to  work  together,  but  I  no  longer  can 
consider  you  as  one  of  my  party."  His  efforts  to  induce 
Prince  Alexander  to  remain  were  met  with  a  melancholy 
persistency  in  the  resolve  already  taken.  The  Prince  de- 
clared that  his  confidence  had  been  shaken  past  remedy 
in  the  Army,  which,  it  was  true,  now  seemed  to  be  loyal, 
but  which  might  at  any  moment  turn  against  him  once 
more.  It  was  the  Liberals,  who  had  systematically  opposed 
him,  who  had  restored  to  him  his  throne,  and  the  Con- 
servatives had  gone  over  to  Russia.  Finally  the  telegram 
from  the  Czar  had  put  the  finishing-stroke  to  his  hopes, 
and  he  would  go  : — perhaps  then  Russia  might  have  for 
Bulgaria  the  pity  which  she  refused  to  him. 


THE   COUP  D'ETAT.  103 

Stambuloff  used  every  imaginable  argument  to  convince 
his  Sovereign,  urging  upon  him  that  he  and  the  Liberals 
had  risked  their  all  to  bring  him  back,  and  if  he  left  them 
now  he  would  be  exposing  them  to  the  gravest  perils. 
Both  humanity  and  honour  called  upon  him  not  to 
desert,  but  to  share  the  fate  of  his  friends  and  his  people. 

Nothing  prevailed  however,  and  seeing  persuasion 
useless,  Stambuloff  decided  to  try  what  threats  would 
effect.  The  Prince  having  summoned  a  meeting  of  the 
Diplomatic  Corps  and  leading  Bulgarians,  and  declared 
his  fixed  resolve  to  resign,  Stambuloff  categorically  in- 
formed him  that  he  would  not  be  allowed  to  leave.  He 
enquired  on  what  grounds  he  would  be  detained,  or  on  what 
grounds  he  would  be  permitted  to  depart.  The  answer  given 
was  that  the  only  condition  on  which  permission  could 
be  granted  was  that  a  formal  engagement  should  be  entered 
into  by  Russia,  that  within  the  delay  prescribed  by  the 
Constitution,  Bulgaria  should  be  allowed  to  elect  another 
Prince.  Thereupon  Alexander  visited  MM.  Bogdanoff 
and  Kartzoff,  and  obtained  from  them  a  verbal  promise 
to  this  effect.  In  fact,  they  were  probably  prepared  to 
promise  anything  and  everything,  verbally  or  in  writing, 
in  order  to  get  rid  of  him.  With  their  promise  in  his 
ears,  the  Prince  came  back  relieved,  if  not  rejoicing,  to 
Stambuloff  He,  however,  objected  that  a  verbal  promise 
from  Bogdanoff  meant  nothing,  but  the  Prince  indig- 
nantly denied  the  possibility  of  Russia's  going  back  from 
her  word,  given  solemnly  by  her  accredited  Agents  under 
such  circumstances,  and  refused,  point-blank,  to  demand 
any  written  document.  With  this  assurance  Stambuloff 
had  to  make  believe  to  be  content,  although  he  was  far 


104  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

from  being  so  in  reality,  but  he,  too,  felt  that  the  strain 
had  arrived  at  breaking  point,  and  after  the  Prince  had 
publicly  announced  his  intention  to  resign,  he  had  better 
do  so.  Another  meeting  of  officers  and  notables  was 
held  on  the  6th  September,  and  it  was  decided  to  let  him 
go,  the  departure  being  fixed  for  the  8th.  On  the  7th  he 
published  a  manifesto  announcing  his  abdication,  and 
appointing  a  Regency  composed  of  Stambuloff,  Karave- 
loff,  and  Colonel  MutkCiroff.  Before  accepting  the  post 
Stambuloff  summoned  his  fellow  Regents,  and  all  the 
heads  of  parties,  to  meet  him  in  the  Assembly  Room, 
and  there  he  took  their  sacred  word  of  honour  to  support 
the  Regency  loyally  up  till  the  time  of  the  election  of  a 
new  Prince. 

Then  came  the  last  scene  of  the  drama.  In  the  Palace 
were  drawn  up  all  the  Corps  Diplomatique,  with  their 
ladies,  the  officers  of  the  higher  grades,  and  the  Bulgarian 
notables  with  their  wives.  At  half-past  eleven  Prince 
Alexander,  dressed  in  full  uniform,  came  into  the 
audience  chamber.  The  appearance  of  the  fine  soldierly 
figure,  and  kindly  handsome  face,  which  all  knew  and 
loved  so  well,  was  the  signal  for  a  complete  silence. 
Then,  in  a  pathetic  and  dignified  speech,  the  Prince 
explained  the  motives  which  had  led  him  to  take  the  step 
he  had  taken.  He  said  that  he  had  returned  to  Bulgaria 
so  that  he  might  leave  it  in  the  light  of  day,  instead  of 
being  dragged,  like  a  malefactor,  through  the  streets  by 
dead  of  night,  and  also  that  he  might  leave  as  a 
friend,  rather  than  as  an  enemy,  of  his  country.  His 
action  was  a  proof  of  his  sincere  desire  for  the  real 
welfare     of     the     country,     and     showed     his     personal 


THE   COUP  D'ETAT.  105 

disinterestedness.  He  had  devoted  himself  entirely  to 
the  interests  of  Bulgaria  during  the  seven  years  he  had 
been  in  the  country,  and  if  he  had  not  succeeded,  his 
failure  was,  perhaps,  due  partly  to  his  youth  and 
inexperience,  and  partly  to  the  ignorance  of  those  whom 
he  had  to  call  to  his  assistance  in  governing.  He 
sincerely  hoped  that  his  successor  might  be  more 
fortunate.  Whoever  he  might  be,  he  would  meet  with 
very  great  difficulties,  and  he  certainly  could  not  devote 
himself  more  completely  to  the  interests  of  Bulgaria  than 
he  had  done.  "  It  was  the  Protocol  of  Constantinople 
that  had  broken  his  back,  and  had  given  the  Opposition 
an  opportunity  of  working  against  him,  by  the  fact  of  his 
having  been  appointed  a  Turkish  functionary.  He  had 
used  all  his  efforts  to  oppose  this  measure,  but  it  was  not 
possible  for  one  man  alone  to  stand  against  Europe."* 
He  then  took  formal  leave  of  most  of  those  present,  and 
withdrew.  At  four  o'clock,  a  smaller  private  reception 
was  held  for  his  intimate  friends.  The  scene  was  one 
which  those  who  saw  will  never  forget.  A  heart  of  stone 
could  not  have  resisted  unmoved  the  spectacle  of  the 
farewells  between  the  beloved  and  persecuted  Prince,  and 
the  leaders  of  his  people,  whom  he  was  leaving.  The 
Prince  passed  through  this  trying  ordeal  with  truly  royal 
grace  and  dignity,  and  his  was,  perhaps,  the  only  dry  eye 
in  the  room. 

Outside,  a  long  line  of  carriages  was  drawn  up,  many  of 

the  notables  wishing  to  accompany  the  royal  traveller  for 

some  distance  on  his  road  across  the  Balkans.      In  the 

first  carriage  he  took  his  seat  with  Stambuloff,  and  they 

*  Blue  Book,   Turkey,  No.  I,  1887,  p.  149. 


io6  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

drove  through  the  town,  and  far  out  on  the  Lom  Palanka 
road,  through  a  Hving  hedge  of  weeping  men  and  women. 
A  more  moving  scene  can  scarcely  be  pictured.  As  they 
reached  the  summit  of  Yeni-Khan,  from  whence  the  last 
view  of  Sofia  is  to  be  obtained,  the  Prince  turned  and 
bid  farewell  to  his  capital,  adding,  "  I  shall  never  look 
upon  you  again." 

By  degrees,  though,  as  they  advanced  on  their  way,  his 
spirits  rose,  for  he  felt  himself  free  once  more  from  the 
crushing  cares  and  responsibilities  of  State,  and  free  for 
ever  this  time,  and  before  they  reached  Lom  Palanka  he 
was  quite  gay.  Stambuloff  accompanied  him  on  the  yacht 
as  far  as  Turn-Severin,  and  then  took  his  last  leave  of 
the  master  he  had  served  so  well,  and  returned  to  take  up 
the  burden  which  had  been  too  heavy  for  Alexander  of 
Battenberg. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE   REGENCY. 

General  Kaulbars  arrives — His  twelve  pieces  of  advice— Stambuluft 
insists  on  a  Candidate  for  the  Throne — Kaulbars  addresses  the 
crowd — He  makes  an  electoral  tour — A  revolt  at  Bourgas — Prince 
Valdeniar  is  offered  the  Throne  — General  Kaulbars  leaves  Bulgaria 
with  all  the  Russian  Consular  Officials — The  plot  of  the  Yunkers — 
The  Silistria  revolt — The  Rustchuk  revolt — Execution  of  Panoff — 
Ministerial  plot  against  the  Regents — The  Throne  is  offered  to 
King  Charles  of  Rouniania — How  Prince  Ferdinand  was  found — 
His  election  by  the  Assembly — He  lands  at  Sistofif. 

STAMBULOFF'S  reflections,  as  he  drove  back  across 
the  Balkans,  cannot  have  been  otherwise  than 
gloomy.  The  entire  work  of  the  past  few  years  would 
have  to  be  done  over  again,  and  in  the  face  of  the 
undisguised  enmity  of  Russia,  with  a  partially  disaffected 
army,  an  opposition  sure  of  Russian  support,  and  a  Co- 
Regent  whom  he  more  than  suspected  of  treachery. 
Since  the  day  when  the  little  band  of  outlaws  hid  their 
tattered  flags  and  arms  in  a  cave,  the  future  of  Bulgaria 
had  rarely  looked  so  dark.  During  the  past  ten  years  the 
son  of  the  Tirnovo  hotel-keeper  had  passed  through  more 
varied  experiences  than  fall  to  the  lot  of  most  men  in 
a  lifetime,  and  now  at  the  age  of  thirty-two  he  was  in 
the  proud  position  of  Regent.  He  has  often  spoken 
to  me  of  that  solitary  journey  from  Lom  to  Sofia,  and 

107 


io8  M.    STAMBULOFF. 

assured  me  that,  far  from  feeling  any  exultation,  he  was 
almost  inclined  to  resign  the  honours,  together  with  the 
dangers,  of  his  position,  and  retire  to  his  beloved 
Tirnovo.  It  was  only  from  a  sense  of  the  highest 
patriotism,  and  from  a  conviction  that,  if  he  flinched  at 
this  crisis,  Russia  would  find  nobody  else  to  stand  in  her 
way,  that  he  persuaded  himself  to  enter  upon  what  he 
foresaw  would  be  an  endless  struggle.  As  soon  as  he 
got  back  to  Sofia  he  called  upon  MM.  Kartzoff  and 
Nekludoff,  who  had  been  newly  sent  out  to  take  the  place 
of  Bogdanoff,  to  enquire  of  them  if  they  would  formally 
ratify  the  promises  made  by  them  to  Prince  Alexander. 
They  denied  that  they  had  ever  given  any  assurances 
whatever  to  the  Prince  concerning  Russia's  consent  to  the 
election  of  a  successor,  and  declared  that  if  Alexander 
had  represented  them  as  having  done  so,  he  had  deceived 
the  Regents.  On  the  contrary,  Russia  did  not  consider 
that  Bulgaria  was  yet  ripe,  or  sufficiently  calmed  down 
from  recent  excitements,  to  proceed  with  such  an  election. 
Stambuloff  passionately  retorted  that  he  had  foreseen  at 
the  time  some  such  mala  fides,  and  that  he  was  certain 
that  the  assurance  had  been  given  to  the  Prince.  So 
they  parted  with  high  words,  and  the  gulf  grew  wider. 
Directly  after  this,  it  was  announced  that  the  Emperor 
was  sending  a  Special  Commissioner  to  assist  the  Bul- 
garians in  the  election  of  a  Prince.  The  mission  seemed 
scarcely  to  agree  with  the  assertions  of  Nekludoff,  but  the 
Regents  were  accustomed  to  contradictory  words  and  acts 
from  Russia,  and  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  new  Com- 
missioner with  curiosity  and  impatience.  The  official 
chosen  was  General  Kaulhars,  Military  Attache  at  Vienna, 


THE  REGENCY.  109 

and  he  arrived  at  Lorn  Palanka  on  the  25th  September, 
1886.  Scarcely  had  he  set  foot  on  Bulgarian  soil  when 
he  composed  a  series  of  twelve  pieces  of  "  advice "  to 
Bulgaria,  which  he  published  in  the  form  of  a  circular, 
addressed  to  the  Russian  Consuls  and  Vice  Consuls. 
The  three  principal  points  in  this  document  were  that  the 
elections  were  to  be  postponed  for  two  months  (whereas 
the  Constitution  provided  that  they  should  be  held 
within  one  month  after  the  vacation  of  the  throne), 
that  the  state  of  siege  should  be  raised,  and  that  all 
officers  and  other  prisoners  implicated  in  the  recent 
plot  should  be  liberated.  The  reasons  alleged  for  these 
demands  were,  firstly,  that  the  country  must  quiet  down 
before  it  could  hold  elections ;  secondly,  that  in  order  to 
allow  it  to  do  so,  the  state  of  siege  must  be  raised ;  and 
thirdly,  the  prisoners  being  accused  of  a  party  crime  could 
not  be  properly  or  justly  tried  by  their  political  adversaries. 

The  Regents  took  no  notice  of  this  "advice,"  but  it 
clearly  showed  them  what  they  might  expect  from  the 
new  Commissioner. 

As  soon  as  he  arrived  in  Sofia,  he  embodied  these  three 
points  in  an  official  note  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  M.  Natchevitch,  with  a  preface  that  he  had  been 
instructed  to  do  so  by  the  Emperor.  He  also  openly 
boasted  that  he  would  soon  put  an  end  to  the  Regency, 
which  he  at  once  attacked,  on  the  ground  that  neither 
Stambuloff  nor  Mutkuroff  were  properly  qualified  for  the 
post  of  Regent,  according  to  the  Constitution,  which 
declared  the  Regents  must  be  men  who  had  either  held 
portfolios,  or  sat  in  the  High  Court  of  Appeal.  His 
contention    was    technically   sound,  but  as   the    Regents 


no  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

had  already  been  acknowledged  by  the  Chamber,  it  was 
rather  late  to  object  to  them ;  and,  furthermore,  his  own 
letters  of  credit  were  addressed  to  the  Regency,  thereby 
admitting  its  legality.  In  effect,  he  soon  abandoned  his 
objection,  and  himself  was  the  first  to  call  upon  Stam- 
buloff,  who,  though  one  of  three  Regents,  was  recognised 
as  being  virtually  alone,  Colonel  Mutkurofif  having  his 
hands  full  with  the  Army,  and  Karaveloff  being  utterly 
discredited  since  the  Commission  of  Enquiry  into  the  Coup 
diktat,  which  had  so  clearly  proved  his  guilty  knowledge, 
that  there  was  already  a  question  of  trying  him,  together 
with  his  colleagues,  Major  Nikiforoff,  former  Minister  of 
War,  and  Tsanoff,  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

Stambuloff  began  by  asking  him  who  Russia's  candi- 
date might  be,  as  the  first  thing  to  be  done  was  to  place  a 
Prince  on  the  throne,  and  he  understood  that  Kaulbars  had 
come  specially  to  aid  them  towards  this  end.  The  General 
replied  that  he  had  no  candidate,  but  that  before  talking 
about  a  new  Prince  the  state  of  siege  must  be  raised,  and 
the  imprisoned  officers  must  be  released.  Stambuloff  said 
that  since  Prince  Alexander  himself  had  said  he  wished 
no  vengeance  to  be  taken,  he  had  no  particular  objection, 
in  principle,  to  the  General's  proposals ;  but  he  must  have 
a  candidate,  and  that  quickly.  Kaulbars  could  only 
repeat  that,  as  yet,  he  was  without  instructions.  In  a 
day  or  two  Stambuloff  returned  his  visit,  and  a  week 
later  Kaulbars  called  a  second  time,  saying  that  he  had 
good  news  from  Russia.  Stambuloff  was  in  hopes  he 
was  going  to  propose  a  Prince,  and  was  disappointed 
when  he  was  shown  a  telegram  saying  the  Emperor  had 
no   desire    to    touch    the    Bulgarian    Constitution.       He 


THE  REGENCY.  m 

simply  said  that  nobody  had  any  right  to  touch  the 
Constitution,  which  had  been  signed,  at  Tirnovo,  col- 
lectively by  the  Representatives  of  all  the  Great  Powers. 
This  show  of  independence  shocked  General  Kaulbars, 
for  whom  the  will  and  even  the  name  of  the  Czar  was  a 
sacred  thing,  and  when  Stambuloff  returned  to  the  charge 
on  the  question  of  a  Prince,  he  rather  sulkily  declared 
that  Russia  had  no  candidate.  Stambuloff  then  em- 
phatically blurted  out  that  it  was  perfectly  evident  that 
if  they  waited  for  Russia  to  give  them  a  candidate  they 
would  never  have  another  Prince,  as  Kaulbars  clearly  did 
not  wish  to  see  the  throne  occupied.  This  being  so,  they 
would  find  one  for  themselves.  Having  convinced 
himself  that  he  could  do  nothing  with  the  Regent, 
General  Kaulbars  began  to  enter  into  negotiations  with 
Zankoff*  and  the  remaining  Russophils. 

This  party  was  not  so  strong  as  it  tried  to  make  the 
world  believe,  for  the  masses  were  heartily  sick  of  the 
bullying  to  which  they  were  systematically  subjected,  and 
expected  to  be  thankful  for,  and  when  it  became  generally 
known  that  General  Kaulbars  was,  in  the  name  of  Russia, 
using  every  effort  to  defer  the  elections,  mass  meetings  were 
held  in  all  the  towns,  and  even  villages,  where  resolutions 
were  passed,  demanding  the  fixing  of  a  date  forthwith. 

At  Sofia  some  five  or  six  thousand  assembled  in   the 

*  An  amusing  interview  took  place  about  this  time  between  Sir 
Frank  Lascelles  and  Zankoff,  who,  to  the  great  astonishment  of  our 
Diplomatic  Agent,  presented  himself  uninvited  one  morning,  and  began 
the  conversation  by  saying  the  thanks  of  Bulgaria  were  due  to  Sir 
Frank,  for  having  supported  the  Prince  in  the  line  he  had  taken, 
since  it  had  led  to  his  expulsion  from  the  country,  which  was  a  great 
blessing. 


1(2  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

Square,  on  October  3rd,  and  violent  speeches  were  made 
against  the  meddHng  of  Russia  in  Bulgaria's  internal 
affairs.  In  the  middle  of  the  proceedings,  to  the  amaze- 
ment of  the  crowd.  General  Kaulbars  appeared,  pushed 
his  way  to  the  front,  and  commenced  to  address  the 
meeting  in  Russian.  He  said  the  Czar  loved  Bulgaria, 
and  went  on  with  the  usual  commonplaces  ;  but  when  he 
touched  upon  the  postponement  of  the  elections,  and  the 
mob  understood  what  he  was  saying,  his  voice  was 
drowned  in  cries  of  "Long live  the  Constitution!"  "Down 
with  Russia ! "  and  he  was  forced  to  beat  a  hasty  retreat. 
His  presence  at  this  mob  meeting,  if  it  showed  an  utter 
disregard  of  diplomatic  usage,  at  least  proved  his  per- 
sonal courage,  for  it  was  an  open  incitement  to  violence 
against  his  person,  and  it  is  certain  that  had  any  been 
used,  Russia  would  have  seized  upon  it  as  a  pretext, 
although  it  may  be  doubted  if,  by  his  own  action,  he 
had  not  forfeited  for  the  time  being  the  usual  diplomatic 
immunities.  The  next  day  he  started  on  his  famous 
electoral  tour.  The  truth  was  that  he  had  been  met 
at  every  step  by  disillusions.  The  original  Russian 
contention  had  been  that  the  only  obstacle  in  the  way 
of  a  reconciliation  between  the  two  countries  was 
the  person  of  Prince  Alexander  of  Battenberg.  He 
having  disappeared,  General  Kaulbars  found  that  the 
populace  of  Sofia  was  evidently  hostile  to  him,  and 
therefore  he  was  reduced  to  trying  to  prove  that  even 
if  the  Government  and  the  Bulgarians  of  the  capital 
would  not  hear  of  Russian  control,  still  the  mass  of 
the  nation  was  in  favour  of  submission  to  Russia. 
His  tour,  unfortunately,  demonstrated  quite  the  contrary. 


THE  REGENCY.  113 

On  the  eve  of  his  departure  Stambuloff  visited  him,  and 
tried  to  dissuade  him  from  a  proceeding  so  Httle  in 
keeping  with  his  dignity  as  the  representative  of  the 
Emperor.  Flying  into  a  passion,  the  General  replied  that 
he  was  acting  under  the  direct  orders  of  the  Czar.  The 
proclamations  for  elections  on  the  loth  October  having 
already  been  issued,  Kaulbars  enquired  whether  they 
intended,  in  the  Grand  Sobranieh,  to  put  forward  the 
candidature  of  Prince  Alexander,  or  any  of  his  family  ? 
Stambuloff  frankly  answered  that  the  Bulgarians  had 
no  thought  of  such  a  proposal,  and  he  asked  him,  for  the 
last  time,  if  Prince  Valdemar  of  Denmark  was  the  Russian 
nominee  ?  General  Kaulbars  replied  that  he  must 
maintain  his  former  answer,  that  he  had  no  instructions 
to  propose  one  candidate  or  another,  but  that  he  was 
considerably  relieved  by  StambulofPs  statement  that  there 
was  no  idea  of  bringing  back  Prince  Alexander.  Taking 
advantage  of  this  sentiment,  Stambuloff  again  urged  upon 
him  not  to  undertake  his  tour,  being  seriously  alarmed 
lest,  in  the  present  state  of  popular  feeling,  some  harm 
should  come  to  him.  The  General,  however,  who  knew 
no  personal  fear,  and  was  obstinate  past  description,  would 
not  listen  to  any  arguments,  and  started  forthwith.  As 
might  have  been  expected,  his  journey  was  a  succession 
of  disappointments.  At  almost  every  stoppage  he  was 
hissed  and  hooted,  and  at  Shumla  and  Varna  the  police 
and  troops  had  to  be  called  in  to  protect  him  from 
violence.  It  was  only  at  Vratza  and  Biela  Slatina  that  he 
prevailed  upon  the  inhabitants  to  abstain  from  voting,  and 
sending  representatives  to  the  Grand  Sobranieh.  Out  of 
eighty  arro?idissemefits,  these  were  the  only  two  which  did 

H 


114  ^^-   STAMBULOFF. 

not  elect  members.     The  elections  resulted  in  an  over- 
whelming majority  for  the  National  party,  with  Stambuloff 
at  its  head,  the  Zankoffists  only  securing  six  seats.     At 
Sofia,  Karave'loff  only  received  twenty-seven  votes,   and 
his  name  was  formally  struck  off  the  lists  of  the  National 
party.     The  impotent  rage  of  General  Kaulbars  at  this 
result  vented  itself  in  a    series  of  protests   and   threats, 
of  which  the  Government  took  meagre  notice.     Amongst 
other  measures,  two  Russian  warships  w^ere  sent  to  Varna, 
and  remained  there  for  some  time,  but  as  Stambuloff  gave 
the  strictest  orders  that  no  sort  of  provocation  was  to  be 
offered  either  to  the  ships  or  the  Consulate,   and   that, 
if  necessary,    troops   should   even    be    allowed   to    land 
unopposed,  they  finally  steamed  away.      The  officers  of 
the  army  were  also  approached  with  alternate  promise 
and  menace  to  the  effect  that,  when  Russia  occupied  the 
country,  those  who  aided  her  cause  would  be  promoted, 
whilst  those  who  opposed  it  would  be  sent  to  Siberia. 
The  most  weak-minded  lent  a  half- willing  ear  to  these 
tales,  but  the  tougher  spirits  rejected  them  utterly.     At 
this  stage  a   conspiracy  broke  out    at  Bourgas,   headed 
by    the  notorious    Captain  Nabokoff,   who    suborned    a 
portion  of  the  garrison,    arrested  the   Prefect,  and  pro- 
claimed himself  master  of  the  town.     Stambuloff  at  once 
ordered  Captain    Panitza    to    proceed  thither,   with   full 
powers  to  suppress  the  revolt,  but  before  he  could  arrive 
upon    the    scene   the   loyal   troops  had  already    gained 
the  upper  hand,  reinstated  the  Prefect,  and  taken  prisoner 
Nabokoff,    who    was    summarily   condemned   to    death. 
Upon   the   violent   remonstrances   of  General    Kaulbars, 
however,  and  in  order  to  avoid  complications,  this  arch 


THE  RECENCY.  115 

conspirator  was  handed  over  to  his  Consul,  and  shipped 
back  to  Odessa. 

Meanwhile  the  Grand  Sobranieh  had  met,  and 
provisionally  elected  Prince  Valdemar,  of  Denmark,  in 
spite  of  the  declaration  of  General  Kaulbars,  that  the 
elections  having  been  held  without  the  consent  of  Russia, 
they  were  illegal ;  consequently  the  Chamber  itself  was 
illegally  constituted,  and  any  decisions  it  might  take 
would,  de  facto,  be  tiuls  et  non  avenus.  How  far  such  a 
simple  declaration  had  the  force  of  invalidating  the  elec- 
tions, and  the  acts  of  the  Chamber,  which  otherwise  had 
been  perfectly  legally  convoked,  is  open  to  question ;  but 
it  was  on  this  ground  that  Russia  refused  to  recognise  its 
deliberations,  and  on  this  ground  alone  that  she  has 
persistently  refused,  ever  since,  to  acknowledge  the 
election  of  Prince  Ferdinand. 

In  voting  for  Prince  Valdemar,  the  Assembly  hoped  to 
force  the  hand  of  Russia  to  recognise  a  relative  of  the 
Emperor.  They  plainly  did  not  know  the  character  of 
Alexander,  the  Peacemaker.  A  telegram  was  sent  to 
Prince  Valdemar's  father,  acquainting  him  of  the  decision 
of  the  Assembly ;  and  reckoning  in  a  great  degree  upon 
the  support  of  the  Empress,  who,  it  was  known,  would 
have  liked  her  brother  to  occupy  the  throne,  they  awaited 
the  answer,  not  without  some  hope.  In  two  days'  time  it 
came,  saying  that,  not  having  the  approval  of  the  Czar, 
Prince  Valdemar  must  decline  the  honour.  With  no 
other  candidate  to  the  front,  the  Assembly  was  bound  to 
dissolve,  but  before  doing  so,  they  elected  a  Commission, 
consisting  of  MM.  Gre'koff,  Stoiloff,  and  Kaltcheff,  who 
were   entrusted   with    the    duty   of    visiting    the   various 


ii6  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

European  Courts  in  search  of  a  Prince,  and  begging  for 
the  support  of  each  in  their  endeavours.  After  this  the 
Assembly  dissolved,  and  Stambuloff,  with  Natchevitch 
and  several  other  leading  men,  left  Tirnovo  to  visit  the 
Danube  towns,  where  a  certain  amount  of  disaffec- 
tion, especially  amongst  the  garrisons,  was  rumoured  to 
exist. 

Whilst  they  were  travelling,  an  incident  occurred  at 
Philippopolis,  the  Cavass  of  the  Russian  Consulate  having 
been,  as  it  was  alleged,  assaulted  by  the  police.  General 
Kaulbars,  in  his  best  style,  instantly  demanded  full  satis- 
faction, including  the  dismissal  of  the  Prefect  and  of  the 
Commandant  of  Police.  Stambuloff  replied,  from  Rust- 
chuk,  that  he  must  first  verify  the  facts,  and  if,  after 
enquiry,  the  accusation  was  proved,  he  was  ready  to  give 
an  indemnity.  After  sending  this  answer,  he  started  for 
Lorn  Palanka,  having  sent  orders  to  Philippopohs  for  a 
searching  examination  into  the  case.  General  Kaulbars, 
however,  was  not  content  with  the  reply,  and  telegraphed 
that  if  the  whole  satisfaction  he  had  demanded  were  not 
given  in  twenty-four  hours,  he  would  leave  Bulgaria. 
Owing,  however,  to  a  tremendous  storm,  succeeded  by  a 
heavy  fog,  the  travellers  were  delayed  on  the  road,  and 
Kaulbars'  ultimatum  was  only  handed  to  Stambuloff  after 
the  delay  had  expired.  The  General  had,  nevertheless, 
been  as  good  as  his  word,  and  when  the  time  had  passed, 
he,  with  all  the  Russian  Consular  officers  in  the  Principality, 
departed  en  masse.  The  accident  of  a  fog  thus  rendered 
yeoman  service,  and  Stambuloff  on  learning  the  Russian 
exodus  felt  that  the  country  had  been  thereby  delivered 
from  a  dangerous  element,  since  the  whole  of  the  Czar's 


THE  REGENCY.  u? 

officials    had    been    ceaselessly    employed    in    fostering 
sedition  from  the  day  of  their  arrival. 

To  go  back  for  a  week  or  two.  When  the  Russian  ships 
were  before  Varna,  in  the  month  of  October,  Stam- 
buloff  telegraphed  to  Zankoff  that  he  did  not  care  to  fight 
Russia  alone,  and  he  would  resign  if  they  would  form  a 
new  Regency,  consisting  of  the  heads  of  the  three  Parties 
— the  Zankoffists,  the  Nationalists,  and  the  Conservatives. 
Zankoff  answered,  "  Hand  in  your  resignation  first,  and 
give  over  the  power  to  Kaulbars."  This,  however,  was 
too  complete  a  surrender,  and  Stambuloff  therefore  called 
upon  the  Assembly  to  elect  a  new  Regent  in  the  room  of 
Karaveloff,  who  had  resigned  when  he  found  his  position 
no  longer  tenable.  The  Assembly  thereupon  accepted  the 
resignation  of  Karave'loff,  and  elected,  on  Stambuloff's 
proposal,  M.  Givkoff,  who,  with  Stambuloff  and  Mutkuroff 
took  up  residence  at  Sofia,  after  the  dissolution  of  the 
Assembly,  at  the  "  Hotel  Bulgarie."  The  next  six  months 
were  spent  by  Stambuloff  seated,  as  it  were,  upon  a  volcano. 

At  Constantinople  Zankoff  was  using  every  means  to  over- 
turn the  Regency,  and  was  promising  the  Grand  Vizier  to 
come  to  a  thorough  agreement  with  Russia  if  only  Turkey 
would  accept  his  programme,  the  first  article  of  which  was 
the  suppression  of  the  Regency,  and  the  formation  of  a 
Zankoff  Ministry,  assisted  by  Russian  officers.* 

*  This  may  be  a  fitting  place  to  sketch  the  career  of  Zankoff.  In 
the  beginning  he  was  one  of  the  most  prominent  champions  of 
Bulgarian  independence,  and  was  the  most  vigorous  opponent  of 
Prince  Alexander,  up  to  1883,  in  his  attempts  to  modify  and  change 
the  Constitution.  In  that  year,  however,  the  Prince  called  him  to 
office,  to  take  the  place  of  the  dismissed  Russian  Cabinet,  and  he  at 
once  expressed  his  readiness  to  fall  in  with  any  alterations  which  His 
Highness  might  choose  to  make.     Karaveloff,   who  was  "gradually 


ii8  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

In  Bulgaria  plot  succeeded  plot,  and  he  scarcely  knew 
on  whom  he  could  rely.  It  was  almost  a  single-handed 
fight,  and  he  was  enabled  to  carry  it  on  only  by  adroitly 
profiting  by  the  weakness  and  disorganisation  of  his 
adversaries,  and  by  the  exercise  of  sleepless  watchfulness 
and  untiring  energy.  It  would  require  a  small  volume  to 
go  into  the  details  of  each  of  the  separate  conspiracies 
discovered  and  defeated  in  turn,  but  a  rapid  sketch  of 
some  of  them  will  give  an  idea  of  the  perils  of  the  situa- 
tion of  Regent. 

Almost  as  soon  as  the  three  Regcius  nad  taken  up 
their  residence  in  the  Hotel,  on  the  23rd  November, 
whilst  sitting  at  lunch  together,  a  soldier  asked  to  see 
Givkoff.  This  man  had  formerly  been  a  schoolmaster  at 
Varna,  when  Givkoff  was  Inspector  of  Schools  for  that 
district.  He  was  now  a  "  yunker  "  in  the  Military  School. 
He  said  that  the  "  yunkers,"  who  had  already  dis- 
tinguished themselves  by  the  kidnapping  of  Prince 
Alexander,  had  arranged  to  surround  the  Hotel  on  the 
25th,  and  massacre  the  Regency.  He  had  escaped  by  a 
window  from  the  school,  and  procuring  a  suit  of  civilian 

assuming  *.he  leadership  of  the  more  advanced  Liberals,  and  who 
enjoyed  the  usual  support  given  indiscriminately  by  Russia  to  any 
Party  which  was  in  opposition,  took  advantage  of  this  change  of 
front  in  Zankoff  to  attack  him,  and  finally  succeeded  in  turning  him 
out.  As  a  natural  consequence,  Russian  countenance  was  now 
transferred  to  Zankoff,  who  was  full  of  wrath  against  Karaveloff  and 
Stambuloff,  and  from  this  date  (1884)  never  ceased  actively  con- 
spiring against  the  Nationalist  Party.  His  role  in  the  events  imme- 
diately succeeding  the  Coup  d^etat  alienated  many  sympathies  from 
him,  and  by  the  proposals  just  quoted,  made  to  Turkey,  he  threw 
off  all  pretence  of  patriotism,  and  was  never  more  seriously  regarded 
as  aught  else  but  a  salaried  Russian  agitator. 


THE  REGENCY.  119 

clothes,  had  come,  for  the  sake  of  old  kindness  shewn 
to  him  by  Givkoff,  to  give  him  timely  warning.  The  plot 
was  the  more  dangerous,  as  it  was  organised  by  a  band 
of  young  desperadoes  who  had  already  the  necessary 
experience.  The  ringleaders  were  Major  Panoff,  who 
had  behaved  well  on  the  former  occasion,  and  the  Com- 
mandant of  the  School,  Hessapdjieff.  The  Regents  at 
once  summoned  Major  Popoff,  Commandant  of  Sofia, 
and  Colonel  Nikolaieff,  Minister  of  War.  It  was  rapidly 
decided  that  the  ist  Regiment  was  to  surround  the 
School  at  one  o'clock  next  morning,  and  to  seize  all  the 
arms  and  munitions,  making  the  "  yunkers "  prisoners. 
Stambuloff  asked  to  be  allowed  to  arrest  Panoff  himself, 
and  towards  midnight  went  to  his  private  residence. 
There  he  was  told  that  Panoff  was  at  the  Military  School, 
and  he  sent  the  orderly  to  fetch  him  instantly.  As  the 
plot  was  not  to  be  executed  for  two  or  three  days,  and 
the  conspirators  had  no  idea  they  were  betrayed,  Panoff 
unsuspectingly  obeyed  the  summons  of  the  Regent. 
Stambuloff  encouraged  him  to  talk  and  drink,  and  kept 
him  at  home  till  four  a.m.,  when  he  returned  to  his  own 
house.  At  six  Panoff  arrived,  and  broke  into  his  room 
in  a  state  of  the  greatest  excitement,  crying,  "  What  have 
you  done  to  me?  " 

"  I  have  saved  you  from  being  a  traitor,  for  the  sake  of 
our  boyhood's  friendship,"  was  the  answer ;  "  but  you 
cannot  any  longer  remain  in  the  army,  for  I  am  not  the 
only  one  who  knows  of  your  shame."  And  his  name  was 
immediately  struck  off  the  rolls.  We  shall  meet  him 
again  before  long. 

On  the  29th  February,  1887,  came  a  telegram  that  the 


I20  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

garrison  of  Silistria  had  revolted,  and  information  poured 
in  from  all  sides  that  a  general  rising  was  in  preparation 
along  the  Danube.  The  conspirators  were  in  active 
communication  with  ex-Captains  Grueff  and  Bendereff, 
and  with  the  Russian  Agency  at  Bucharest,  which,  under 
M.  Hitrovo,  had  become  the  headquarters  of  the 
revolutionists,  and  it  was  apparent  that  prompt  measures 
would  have  to  be  taken. 

At  Silistria,  the  telegraph  clerk,  whilst  sending  messages 
under  compulsion  to  the  Russian  conspirators  in 
Bucharest,  contrived  to  wire  off  a  message  to  Rustchuk, 
giving  the  Prefect  news  of  what  had  happened.  A 
battalion  was  at  once  despatched  to  the  scene  from  Rust- 
chuk, and  another,  with  cavalry,  from  Varna,  but  before 
this  force  reached  Silistria,  the  troops  themselves  had  seized 
and  shot  their  revolted  leader,  Captain  Chrestoff,  and  this 
was  the  only  blood  shed.  The  abortive  attempt,  however, 
served  to  arouse  the  vigilance  of  the  Government,  which 
was  tolerably  well  prepared  for  the  3rd  March,  the 
anniversary  of  the  Treaty  of  San  Stefano,  which  had  been 
chosen  by  the  Russian  leaders  of  the  revolutionists  as  an 
appropriate  day  to  raise  their  standards.  Rustchuk  was 
the  spot  fixed  upon,  as  being  most  conveniently  situated 
for  communications  with  Bucharest,  and  at  three  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  the  regiment  of  sappers  sallied  forth  from 
their  barracks  and  occupied  the  Prefecture,  which  stands 
over  against  the  infantry  barracks.  They  were  com- 
manded by  Captain  Ouzunoff,  the  gallant  defender  of 
Widdin,  during  the  Servian  War,  who,  like  so  many  of  his 
fellow-officers,  had  allowed  himself  to  be  corrupted 
by  the  insidious  advances  of  Russia.     They  summoned 


THE  REGENCY.  121 

the  infantry  to  surrender,  but  the  latter,  though  very  few 
in  number,  refused,  and  opened  fire  from  their  windows 
upon  the  sappers. 

The  rebels  had  begun  operations  by  cutting  all  the 
town  telegraph  wires,  but  the  Prefect  had  succeeded  in 
sending  a  message  to  Sofia  from  the  railway  station,  and 
believed  that  if  he  could  hold  the  town  for  a  day,  relief 
would  come.  He,  therefore,  called  for  volunteers,  who 
responded  gallantly,  and  putting  a  gunsmith's  shop  to 
the  sack,  the  civilians  engaged  in  a  pitched  battle  with 
the  sappers.*  They  were  encouraged  by  the  stout 
resistance  made  by  Captain  Vulkoff,  in  the  infantry 
barracks,  and  gradually  the  sappers  found  themselves 
getting  the  worst  of  the  fight  between  two  fires,  f 

*  At  Sofia,  the  first  inkling  of  what  was  going  on,  was  gathered 
from  the  fact  that  when  the  telegraph  called  Rustchuk  at  ten  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  no  answer  was  returned.  The  Regents  then  went  to 
the  station  and  commenced  telegraphing  in  all  directions,  particularly 
to  Roumania,  for  information,  and  it  was  only  at  four  in  the  after- 
noon that  they  heard  that  fighting  was  still  going  on,  whereupon  they 
despatched  urgent  orders  for  troops  to  hurry  up  from  Razgrad,  Plevna, 
and  Tirnovo. 

t  Several  most  exciting  incidents  occurred  during  that  afternoon. 
Not  the  least  so  was  the  meeting  of  the  brothers  Mateef.  One  of 
them  was  a  captain  in  the  rebel  pioneers,  the  other  was  the  Rustchuk 
station-master.  Twice  they  met  face  to  face,  and  twice  they  stayed 
their  hands.  Afterwards,  when  the  sappers  were  dispersed.  Captain 
Mateef,  in  full  uniform  with  his  heavy  boots  on,  threw  himself  into 
the  Danube,  which  was  running  in  flood  and  covered  with  drifting 
ice,  and  performed  the  almost  incredible  feat  of  swimming  across  to 
the  island  which  lies  over  against  Rustchuk.  As  he  clambered  up 
among  the  osiers  he  was  shot  from  the  bank.  Stambuloff  was  struck 
with  admiration  when  he  heard  the  story,  and  declared  that  if  Mateef 
had  escaped  he  would  have  granted  him  a  free  pardon  for  his  gallant 
swim. 


122  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

In  the  afternoon  they  gave  way  altogether,  and  fled 
precipitately  for  the  Danube,  in  order  to  try  to  reach 
the  Roumanian  shore ;  knowing  well  the  fate  in  store 
for  them,  if  captured.  The  boats  were  instantly 
subjected  to  a  heavy  fire  from  the  victorious  townspeople, 
and  the  steamer,  Gohibchik,  started  in  pursuit.  Amongst 
the  prisoners  were  found  ex-Major  Panoff  and  a  civilian, 
who,  making  sure  of  the  victory  of  the  sappers,  had 
embarked  from  Giurgevo  in  a  rowing  boat,  and  were 
caught  before  they  found  out  their  mistake.  Captain 
Bendereff  was  more  lucky,  and  effected  his  escape,  at 
least  so  it  was  reported.  The  National  Guard  from 
Razgrad  arrived  in  the  evening,  and  it  shows  the  spirit  of 
the  people  that  they  refused  to  believe  the  telegrams 
which  reached  Razgrad  saying  there  was  no  need  of  their 
presence,  and  insisted  on  seeing  for  themselves.  The 
manner  in  which  the  populace  behaved  on  this  occasion 
was  an  immense  encouragement  to  the  Regency,  and 
they  felt  that  every  successive  failure  in  revolt  only 
strengthened  their  hold  on  the  national  sympathies. 

As  a  consequence  of  the  Rustchuk  revolt  the  nine  ring- 
leaders, amongst  whom  was  the  ill-fated  Panoff,  were 
shot,  and  at  Sofia  several  prominent  suspects  were  thrown 
into  prison,  under  suspicion  of  having  been  concerned  in 
the  general  plot.  Karaveloff,  Nikiforofif,  Tsanoff,  and  Zan- 
kofPs  son-in-law,  Ludskanoff,  were  all  implicated.  As 
soon  as  they  were  confined,  Mesdames  Karave'loff  and 
Ludskanoff  petitioned  the  foreign  Agents  to  intercede 
on  behalf  of  their  husbands,  who,  they  alleged,  were 
being  tortured  and  subjected  to  hard-usage.  StambulofF 
was  most  indignant  at  this  charge,  and  ordered  the  fullest 


THE   REGENCY.  123 

enquiry  to  be  made,  which  resulted  in  the  publication 
of  an  official  report,  signed  by  the  prisoners  themselves, 
denying  in  toto  that  they  had  suffered  any  maltreatment. 
About  a  fortnight  later  they  were  all  released,  and 
the  Regents  made  a  tour  through  Roumelia,  where  they 
found  no  traces  of  the  disaffection  which  had  existed 
in  the  north.  In  April,  Stambuloff  was  attacked  again 
by  his  old  enemy,  pneumonia,  but  having  received  private 
news  from  Sofia  that  Colonel  Nikolaieff,  Minister  of  War, 
and  Radoslavoff,  President  of  the  Council,  were  plotting 
to  turn  out  the  Regency,  ill  as  he  was,  he  started  full 
speed  from  Silistria,  where  he  was  laid  up,  reaching  the 
already  historical  "  Hotel  de  Bulgarie  "  at  the  end  of  May. 
Here  he  found  that,  monstrous  as  it  had  appeared  to  him, 
the  accusation  was  well-founded.  There  had  been  many 
pourparlers  going  on  for  the  re-election  of  Prince 
Alexander,  and  the  idea  of  the  conspirators,  who  were 
impatient  at  the  manner  in  which  Stambuloff  was  allowing 
himself  to  be  influenced  by  the  prudent  counsels  of  the 
Powers,  seems  to  have  been  to  overturn  the  Regency,  and 
declare  for  Alexander.  There  are  no  documents  on  this 
subject,  but  from  what  I  gathered,  both  from  Stambuloff 
himself,  and  other  actors  in  the  event,  what  happened 
was  as  follows. 

On  the  first  of  June,  Stambuloff  invited  several  officers 
and  friends  to  dinner,  and  afterwards  sent  for  Mutkuroff, 
under  the  pretence  that  his  mother  was  ill.  A  carriage 
was  in  readiness  outside  to  take  him  to  Philippopolis,  and 
Stambuloff  instructed  him  to  make  all  speed,  and  assure 
himself  of  the  loyalty  of  the  Eastern  Roumelian  troops. 
Mutkuroff  having  been  safely  despatched,  the  company 


124  ^I-   STAMBULOFF. 

was  kept  up  carousing  till  three  in  the  morning,  when  the 
third  Regent,  Givkoff,  started  for  Lorn  and  Rustchuk 
to  raise  the  army  of  the  Danube.  The  next  day,  on  a 
plea  of  headache,  Stambuloff  refused  to  receive  the 
Ministers,  but  the  third  morning,  when  a  telegram  in 
cypher  from  Mutkuroff  had  reached  him,  saying  that 
the  whole  army  of  the  South  was  in  his  hands,  he  con- 
voked a  council.  When  they  had  met,  he  told  them  that 
he  was  alone  to  speak  to  them,  because  one  of  his 
colleagues  was  at  Philippopolis,  and  the  other  at  Lom, 
whither  they  had  gone  in  order  to  make  sure  of  the 
preservation  of  peace  and  order.  Radoslavoff  declared 
this  was  a  lie,  as  he  had  seen  Mutkuroff's  hat  in  the  hall. 
"  Mutkuroff  has  more  than  one  hat,"  replied  Stambuloff. 
Nikolaieff  broke  out  into  oaths,  and  swore  that  he  would 
court-martial  Mutkuroff  for  leaving  Sofia  without  per- 
mission from  himself,  as  War  Minister.  He  was,  however, 
sternly  rebuked  by  Stambuloff,  who  advised  him  to  do 
nothing  rash,  adding  significantly,  "  or  I  will  show  you  that 
I  am  strong  enough  now,  as  before,  to  deal  with  traitors." 
For  State  reasons,  however,  Stambuloff  did  not  take 
any  further  steps,  contenting  himself  with  the  little  lesson 
he  had  given  the  Ministry.  But  he  had  also  learnt  one 
himself,  and  it  was  daily  becoming  more  and  more  clear 
that  they  must  elect  a  Prince.  The  Porte  had,  through 
Gadban  Effendi,  proposed  the  Prince  of  Mingrelia,  but  his 
was  a  candidature  which  Stambuloff  would  not  hear  of."' 

*  The  answer  Stambuloff  made  was,  that  he  was  not  the  sort  of 
Prince  they  wanted,  because  he  was  a  Caucasian,  and  probably  a  Cir- 
cassian ;  and  by  the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  Circassians  were  not  tolerated  in 
Bulgaria.  The  real  reason  was,  that  he  was  considered  as  a  mere 
puppet  of  Russia. 


THE  REGENCY.  125 

Later  on,  the  throne  was  offered  to  King  Charles,  of 
Roumania,  through  the  intermediary  of  the  Russian 
Consul  at  Rustchuk,  and  his  was  a  candidature  which, 
Stambuloff  considered  would  fulfil  every  requirement 
of  the  situation,  if  His  Majesty  could  only  be  prevailed 
upon  to  agree  to  it.  He  has  never,  to  the  present  day, 
ceased  regretting  that  King  Charles  was  prevented,  by 
consideration  for  the  Powers,  from  accepting  a  position 
which  would  have  lent  double  strength  to  both  nations, 
and  might  have  become  the  nucleus  of  a  Balkan  Con- 
federation. 

Having  failed,  however,  all  round,  and  seeing  that 
his  quondam  friends  and  supporters  were  continually 
plotting  against  him  and  that  the  country  could  not 
hope  to  exist  much  longer  without  a  Prince,  he  fixed 
the  elections  for  the  Grand  National  Assembly  to 
elect  one,  in  spite  of  the  amicable  remonstrances  of  all 
the  Great  Powers,  and  the  maintenance  by  Russia  of 
her  original  strong  formal  protest.  The  choice  had 
already  fallen  upon  Prince  Ferdinand  of  Coburg,  in 
this  wise.  When  the  three  Bulgarian  delegates  reached 
Vienna,  one  of  them,  M.  Kaltcheff,  went  to  spend  the 
evening  at  Ronacher's  well-known  circus.  Here,  at  one 
of  the  marble-topped  tables,  he  met  a  fellow  country- 
man, a  M.  Kovatcheff,  who  asked  to  introduce  a  retired 
officer  to  him,  a  certain  Major  Laaba.  The  Major, 
after  the  consumption  of  several  bocks,  remarked,  "  I  hear 
you  are  in  search  of  a  Prince  for  Bulgaria.  I  have 
just  the  man  for  you."  Kaltcheff,  who  is  a  simple- 
minded  gentleman,  was  delighted  at  the  chance,  with- 
out reflecting  upon  the  somewhat  incongruous   manner 


126  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

in  which  it  was  presented  to  him.  So  pleased  was  he, 
that  though  it  was  past  two  in  the  morning  when  he 
reached  his  hotel,  he  woke  up  MM.  Gre'koff  and 
Stoiloff  to  tell  them  the  good  news.  They  laughed  at 
him,  and  told  him  he  might  go  alone  to  the  Coburg 
Palace  if  he  liked,  but  that  they  would  certainly  not 
accompany  him.  Nothing  daunted,  however,  even  after 
a  night's  meditation,  M.  Kaltcheff  called  upon  the 
Prince  next  morning,  and  carried  back  an  invitation  to 
his  colleagues.  Seeing  that  it  was  serious,  all  three  made 
their  proposal,  which  the  Prince  accepted  under  the 
reserve  that  he  should  first  be  approved  by  all  the  Powers. 
This  was  in  reality  equivalent  to  a  declining  of  the 
honour,  and  for  a  time  no  more  was  thought  by  the 
Bulgarians  of  Prince  Ferdinand,  although  he  appears 
to  have  begun  his  preparations  from  that  moment.  Later 
on,  though,  M.  Mateef  was  sent  to  sound  His  Highness 
again  on  the  subject,  and,  although  Prince  Ferdinand 
did  not  abandon  his  first  position,  Stambuloff  decided 
to  force  his  decision,  in  one  sense  or  the  other,  by 
electing  him. 

The  first  business  before  the  Assembly  was  to  consider 
the  resignation  of  the  Regents  and  Ministry.  It 
naturally  refused  to  accept  that  of  the  Regents,  and 
equally  of  course,  the  tainted  Ministry  was  dismissed,  and 
a  new  one  formed  under  Dr.  Stoiloff.  The  next  act  was 
the  election  of  Prince  Ferdinand,  which  was  notified 
to  him  by  telegram.  He  wired  a  reply,  repeating  that  he 
would  be  proud  to  assume  the  sceptre  if  the  Porte 
and  Powers  would  recognise  him.  It  was  palpably 
absurd  to  hope  for  any  such  recognition,  and  a  deputa- 


PRINCE     FERDINAND. 


THE  REGENCY.  127 

tion  was  sent  to  carry  to  His  Highness  the  Act  of  the 
Assembly,  in  the  hopes  that  they  might  persuade  him 
to  came  back  with  them.  He  acknowledged  the  receipt 
of  the  Act  in  much  the  same  terms  as  he  had  done 
the  telegram.  This  did  not  suit  Stambuloff,  who,  after 
some  delay,  decided  to  send  Natchevitch  on  a  confi- 
dential mission  to  Coburg  Palace. 

His  instructions  were  categoric,  either  to  bring  back 
Prince  Ferdinand,  or  a  renouncement  in  writing  of  the 
Throne,  as  Bulgaria  could  not  wait ;  and  if  the  Prince 
could  not  or  would  not  take  the  crown  as  it  was  offered, 
they  must  look  elsewhere  for  somebody  else  who 
would. 

The  result  of  Natchevitch's  arguments  was  that  they 
started  together  from  Vienna  on  the  loth  of  August,  and 
steaming  down  the  Danube,  reached  Turn  Severin  three 
or  four  days  later.  Here  he  was  met  in  mid-stream  by 
the  Regents,  who  went  on  board  his  steamer,  the  Orient, 
and  the  new  Prince  landed  at  Sistoff  amidst  the  acclama- 
tions of  the  people. 

Before  leaving  Vienna  he  had  written  letters  to  the 
Emperor  and  to  Count  Kalnoky,  both  of  whom  had 
tried  to  dissuade  him  from  the  adventure,  as  they  per- 
sisted in  regarding  it.  In  these  letters  he  declared  his 
firm  resolve  to  devote  his  whole  existence  to  Bulgaria, 
and  expressed  a  hope  that  any  irregularity  that  might 
exist  in  the  method  of  convocation  of  the  Chamber 
which  had  elected  him,  might  be  overlooked  or  for- 
given in  later  years.  This  seemed  a  reasonable  enough 
aspiration,  but  events  have  proved  that  it  was  not  destined 
to  be  realised.     At  least,  in  accepting  the  Throne  under 


128  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

such  circumstances,  Prince  Ferdinand  gave  a  proof  of 
considerable  personal  courage  and  devotion,  for  which 
the  nation  were,  and  expressed  themselves,  deeply 
sensible.  If  he  had  Europe  against  him,  he  certainly 
had  all  Bulgaria  with  him,  when  he  took  the  oath  before 
the  Grand  Assembly,  at  Tirnovo,  on  August  14th,  1887. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

PRINCE    FERDINAND. 

Prince  Ferdinand's  position — Its  contested  legality — Formation  of 
Stambuloff  Ministry — The  Elections — The  Esky  Zagra  band — 
The  Bourgas  expedition — Nabokoff  is  shot  by  peasants— Count 
Ignatieff's  complicity — Turkey's  protest  against  Prince  Ferdinand 
—  Lord  Salisbury's  and  Count  Kalnoky's  views — Stambuloff 
marries — The  Oriental  Railway — The  Capture  of  Messrs.  Binder 
and  Landler  by  brigands  —  Extermination  of  brigandage  by 
Stambuloff. 

I  HAVE  said  that  Prince  Ferdinand  had  all  Europe 
against  him.  His  assumption  of  the  dignity  of 
Prince  of  Bulgaria  was  hailed  by  a  general  regret  of  the 
Powers  that  it  had  been  effected  without  the  consent  of 
Russia,  as  it  was  evident  that  it  would  open  the  door  to 
fresh  intrigues,  and,  possibly,  to  a  renewal  of  the  whole 
question.  Russia  stubbornly  adhered  to  her  attitude  of 
what  she  termed  "passive  protest."  Her  grounds  were 
that  General  Kaulbars,  not  having  considered  the  Bul- 
garians in  a  fit  frame  of  mind,  politically,  to  hold  their 
elections,  had  declared  that  Russia  would  consider  them, 
the  Chamber  elected,  and  any  and  every  act  of  such 
Chamber,  or  Assembly,  as  illegal.  Consequently,  the 
choice  of  Prince  Ferdinand  was  illegal.  How  far  Russia 
possessed  the  right,  by  an  assumed  veto^  to  invahdate 
the  elections  might,  perhaps,  be  contested,  but  she  never 
I  129 


I30  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

permitted  her  right  to  be  questioned,  and  it  appears  to 
have  been  tacitly  recognised  then,  and  since.  At  the 
same  time  it  is  as  well  clearly  to  define  the  principle  on 
which  she  acted.  In  every  other  respect  the  election  of 
Prince  Ferdinand  was  perfectly  in  order  ;  but  because 
Russia  chose  to  ignore  the  elections  to  the  Assembly,  for 
no  other  reason  than  that  she  wished  to  prolong  the  state 
of  uncertainty  in  Bulgaria  until  she  could  find  a  good 
opportunity  of  stepping  in  herself,  the  unfortunate  Prince 
was  from  the  first,  and  is  still  (June,  1895)  unrecognised 
as  Prince  of  Bulgaria.  He  is  merely  Prince  Ferdinand 
of  Coburg,  de  facto^  but  not  de  jtire,  ruling  the 
Bulgarians. 

Directly  after  his  election  Russia  approached  the 
Powers  with  a  proposal  simply  to  eject  Prince  Ferdinand, 
and  to  appoint  General  Ernroth,  Regent  or  Governor  of 
the  two  Bulgarias.  The  Porte  also  addressed  a  circular 
to  the  European  Cabinets,  couched  as  follows  : — 

"Your  Excellency  is  aware  of  the  circumstances  under 
which  the  election  of  Prince  Ferdinand  of  Coburg,  as 
Prince  of  Bulgaria,  took  place.  You  are  also  cognisant 
of  the  declarations  made  by  His  Highness,  that  he  would 
not  leave  Vienna  until  his  election  should  have  obtained 
the  sanction  of  the  Suzerain  Court,  according  to  the  terms 
of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  and  the  consent  of  the  other 
Signatory  Powers. 

"  At  the  moment  when  an  exchange  of  views  had  com- 
menced between  the  Imperial  Government  and  the  Great 
Powers  on  the  subject  of  this  election,  we  learned  that 
Prince  Ferdinand,  contrary  to  his  previous  declarations, 
proposed  to  leave  his  residence  of  Ebenthal  for  Bulgaria  ; 
and  this  inopportune  project  made  it  our  duty  to  address 
to  him,  through  our  Ambassador,  at  Vienna,  and  other 
intermediaries,  strong  and  repeated  advice,  engaging  him 


PRINCE   FERDINAND.  131 

not  to  depart  from  the  course  which  he  had  planned  for 
himself,  and  which,  at  various  intervals,  he  had  announced 
to  us. 

"  Notwithstanding  the  above  -  mentioned  declarations, 
the  Prince  has  seen  fit  to  abandon  his  original  project, 
and  suddenly  to  leave  his  residence  to  go  and  take 
possession  of  the  administration  of  the  Principality  where 
he  now  is. 

"  I  consider  it  superfluous  to  call  the  deep  and  serious 
attention  of  the  Government  to  which  you  are  accredited 
to  the  gravity  of  this  act,  which  is  as  unexpected  as  it 
is  contrary  to  the  provisions  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin." 

France,  Germany,  and  Austria  all  joined  in  an  opinion 
condemning  the  action  of  the  Prince,  and  instructing 
their  Consular  ofificials  to  do  nothing  which  would  imply 
anything  like  a  recognition  of  His  Highness  in  the 
character  of  Prince  of  Bulgaria.  The  French  Govern- 
ment broke  off  not  only  ofificial  but  also  officious  relations, 
and  withdrew  their  Agent.  England  again  was  the  only 
Power  which  seemed  inclined  to  look  leniently  upon  the 
action  of  the  Prince. 

Lord  Salisbury  held  the  firmest  language,  both  to  M. 
de  Staal  and  to  Rustem  Pasha,  saying  to  the  former  that 
a  Russian  occupation  was  likely  to  lead  to  the  gravest 
complications,  and  to  the  Turkish  Ambassador  that  an 
intervention  by  the  Porte  would  possibly  set  in  motion  all 
the  turbulent  elements,  both  in  Bulgaria  and  Macedonia. 
He  added  that  it  appeared  to  him  useless  to  discuss  the 
removal  of  Prince  Ferdinand,  so  long  as  the  Powers  had 
not  agreed  upon  somebody  to  take  his  place,  either  as 
Prince  or  Regent. 

Stambuloff,  seeing  the  attitude  of  England,  called  upon 
Mr.  O'Conor  at  Sofia,  and  after  informing  him  that  he 


132  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

was  aware  that  the  Porte  had  apphed  to  the  German 
Government  to  ask  it  to  use  its  good  offices  with  that  of 
England,  Austria,  and  Italy,  to  induce  them  to  assent  to 
the  Russian  proposal  to  appoint  General  Ernroth,  Regent 
of  Bulgaria,  declared  that  he  considered  such  a  proposal 
as  an  insult  and  outrage  to  the  entire  nation,  which  they 
would  resist  as  far  as  was  in  their  power,  and  only 
submit  to  if  compelled  by  an  overwhelming  military  force, 
or  if  all  the  Powers  united  together  to  compel  them. 

This  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  Stambuloff  formed 
his  celebrated  Ministry,  but  we  may  go  back  for  a  week 
or  so  to  follow  the  course  of  events  which  led  up  to  his 
accepting  the  Premiership. 

After  taking  the  oath  at  Tirnovo,  the  Prince  at  once 
commenced  issuing  proclamations,  manifestoes,  and  orders 
to  the  Army,  acting  as  if  his  election  had  been  recognised, 
which  was  indeed  the  only  course  for  him  to  pursue. 

His  first  proclamation  is  worth  reproduction,  as  its 
independent  tone  gave  great  umbrage  to  Russia  and 
Turkey,  and  nearly  led  to  summary  measures.  It  ran  as 
follows  : — • 

"  We,  Ferdinand  I.,  by  the  Grace  of  God  and  the  Will 
of  the  Nation,  Prince  of  Bulgaria  : 

"  After  having  taken  the  oath  before  the  Greek 
National  Assembly  in  the  ancient  Capital,  do  hereby 
proclaim  to  our  beloved*  people  that  we  take  into  our 
hands  the  reins  of  government  of  this  country,  which 
we  will  govern  in  conformity  to  its  fundamental  law,  and 
to  whose  prosperity,  greatness,  and  glory  we  will  devote 
all  our  efforts,  while  we  shall  be  ever  ready  to  sacrifice  our 
life  for  its  good.     On  mounting  the  throne  of  the  glorious 

*  In  the  copies  posted  over  the  towns,  the  word  "  free  "  was  sub- 
stituted for  "  beloved." 


PRINCE  FERDINAND.  133 

Bulgarian  Kings,  we  consider  it  our  sacred  duty  to 
express  to  the  noble  Bulgarian  nation  our  sincere  grati- 
tude, both  for  the  confidence  it  has  shown  in  our  election 
as  Bulgarian  Prince,  and  for  its  wise  and  patriotic  conduct 
in  the  troubled  and  trying  times  which  our  country  is 
going  through.  At  the  same  time,  we  thank  the  Regents 
and  their  Government  for  their  wise  and  successful 
conduct  of  affairs,  whereby  they  were  able  to  defend  our 
country's  independence  and  liberty  in  the  most  critical 
times.  Fully  convinced  that  the  nation  and  its  gallant 
army  will  rally  round  our  Throne,  and  support  us  in  our 
endeavours  for  the  good  of  the  country,  we  invoke  God's 
blessing  on  all  our  acts  and  undertakings. 
"  Long  live  free  and  independent  Bulgaria  ! 

(Signed)         "Ferdinand  I." 

The  mention  of  the  glorious  Bulgarian  Kings,  and 
free  and  independent  Bulgaria,  were  calculated  to  excite 
the  susceptibilities  of  the  Porte  in  no  small  degree,  but 
some  allowance  was  made  for  the  exuberance  of  style  in 
a  newly-elected  Prince  addressing  his  people  for  the  first 
time,  and  the  proclamation  was  allowed  to  pass  with  a 
mere  note  of  censure. 

As  soon  as  by  taking  the  oath,  and  issuing  the  fore- 
going proclamation.  Prince  Ferdinand  had  actually  taken 
over  the  government,  the  Regency  which  had  so  valiantly 
held  Bulgaria,  came  to  an  end.  It  was  with  an  inexpressible 
relief  that  Stambuloff  put  off  the  weighty  responsibilities, 
which  he  had  borne  virtually  alone  since  the  departure 
of  Prince  Alexander.  He  himself  told  me  that  "no 
words  can  picture  my  delight  at  the  arrival  of  the  Prince. 
It  had  been  a  perpetual  nightmare  and  terror  to  me  that 
Bulgaria  might  lose  her  independence  under  my  Regency, 
and  that  my  name  would  be  handed  down  to  posterity  as 


134  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

a  reproach.  When  the  Prince  left  for  Sofia  with  his  new 
Ministry,  I  spent  three  days  with  my  friends  in  feteing  my 
deliverance.  They  were  three  of  the  happiest  days  of  my 
life." 

His  joy  was  destined  to  be  short-lived.  Scarcely  had 
Stoiloff  reached  Sofia  when  he  resigned,  declaring,  which 
was  true,  that  he  had  no  party,  and  could  not  govern  the 
country  with  men  holding  opposite  views  to  his  own. 
Stambuloff  was  telegraphed  for,  but  refused  to  move  for 
more  than  a  week,  on  plea  of  illness,  and  only  went  upon 
a  rumour  that  Turkey  was  preparing  a  protest.  In  the 
capital  he  found  Stoiloff  at  his  wits'  end,  in  the  endeavour 
to  find  a  successor.  An  attempt  to  form  a  Ministry 
under  M.  Tontcheff  had  failed,  and  it  was  tolerably  clear 
that  Stambuloff  would  have  to  undertake  the  task. 
He  objected  to  it  for  several  reasons.  In  the  first  place, 
having  been  Regent  with  practically  unlimited  power, 
he  considered  it  would  be  awkward  for  the  Prince,  who 
now  occupied  nominally  the  post  he  had  himself  held 
before  as  Ruler,  to  have  him  for  a  Premier.  Secondly, 
as  Regent  he  had  acquired  a  certain  reputation  and 
popularity,  and  none  knew  better  than  he  that  in 
accepting  the  post  of  President  he  ran  a  great  risk 
of  losing  both,  and  it  seemed  scarcely  worth  while  for 
a  miserable  thousand  francs  a  month,  and  the  name 
of  Minister,  for  him,  the  ex-Regent,  to  affront  the  cares 
and  worries  he  had  hoped  to  have  done  with.  And,  lastly, 
the  little  he  had  seen  of  the  Prince  had  convinced  him 
that  they  would  not  get  on  well  together,  and  he  did  not 
care  to  begin  another  fight.  All  these  reasons  he  frankly 
told  Prince  Ferdinand  and  Stoiloff,  but  they  both  declared 


PRINCE  FERDINAND.  \%% 

that  unless  he  would  form  a  Cabinet,  the  Ministries  would 
be  left  with  Secretaries  as  Gerants,  since  Stoiloff  ab- 
solutely refused  to  remain  another  day  as  Premier.* 

Under  the  circumstances,  with  every  Chancery  in 
Europe  busy  in  attempting  to  devise  some  method  of 
snubbing  Bulgaria,  with  a  new,  inexperienced,  and 
apparently  somewhat  headstrong,  young  man  as  Prince, 
it  would  have  been  the  height  of  folly  to  leave  the 
administration  in  the  hands  of  Gerants,  and  with  a  heavy 
heart  Stambuloff  gave  way.  His  famous  Ministry, 
formed  on  the  ist  September,  1887,  and  which  lasted  till 
the  31st  May,  1894,  with  various  changes  in  the  different 
departments,  but  under  his  Premiership  the  whole  time, 
consisted  at  first  of  the  following  : 

President  of  the  Council,  and  Minister  of  the 

Interior M.  Stambuloff. 

Minister  of  War       ......  CoL.  Mutkuroff. 

,,  Public  Instruction  .         .         .  M.  Givkoff. 

,,  Justice M.  Stoiloff. 

,,  Finance M.  NATCHEvrrcH. 

,,  Foreign  Affairs  and  Worship  .  M.  Stransky. 

The  first  care  of  the  new  Cabinet  was  to  prepare 
for  the  elections.  No  secret  was  made  of  the  intention  of 
the  Bulgarian  refugees  at  Constantinople,  headed  by 
Zankoff,  to  create  disturbances,  if  possible,  and  they 
were  likely  to   be  ably  seconded  by  the  Russophil  and 

*  It  is  remarkable  throughout  Bulgarian  history  that  its  public 
men  have  never,  as  in  most  countries,  striven  to  attain  the  honoured 
position  of  Premier  in  keen  rivalry.  On  the  contrary,  it  has  almost 
invariably  been  with  reluctance  that  a  statesman  has  accepted,  not 
only  the  Premiership,  but  even  a  minor  portfolio,  the  fact  being  that 
a  Ministry  in  the  Principality  is  looked  upon  as  anything  but  a  silken 
couch  for  taking  of  ease. 


136  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

other  Opposition  elements  in  Bulgaria,  headed  by  the 
Metropolitan  Clement,  Karaveloff,  and  Radoslavoff. 

Prince  Ferdinand,  especially,  looked  forward  to  the  elec- 
tions with  some  trepidation,  his  agents  abroad  having 
sent  him  reports  to  the  effect  that  Russia  was  preparing, 
either  to  bring  in  her  candidates,  or  to  stir  up  riots  at  any 
cost.  Amongst  other  stories  came  a  despatch  from 
Bucharest  that  M.  Hitrovo,  who  was  known  to  be  in  the 
closest  relations  with  Zankoff  and  Clement,  had  received 
one  million  roubles  from  Russia  for  distribution,  and 
that  part  of  this  money  was  already  being  secretly  dis- 
tributed. Manifestoes,  signed  by  the  "  Secret  Committee  " 
at  Constantinople,  attacking  the  Government  and  the 
Prince  in  abusive  language,  were  freely  circulated,  and 
it  looked  as  if  a  very  bitter  struggle  was  likely.  Before 
the  day  fixed,  Prince  Ferdinand  called  up  Stambuloff,  and 
told  him  that  he  was  well  aware  that  money  was  needed 
in  elections,  and  he  would  put  a  sum  of  half  a  million 
francs  unreservedly  at  his  disposal,  to  do  what  he  pleased 
with.  Stambuloff  replied  that  he  neither  feared  Russian 
roubles  nor  needed  French  francs.  He  laughingly  said 
that,  at  a  rough  guess,  he  should  put  down  the  election 
expenses  of  the  party  for  the  whole  of  Bulgaria  at  about 
one  thousand  francs,  and  that  His  Highness  need  not 
distress  himself 

On  the  9th  October  they  duly  came  off,  and  resulted  in 
an  overwhelming  majority  for  the  National  Party.  There 
were  riots  at  several  places,  notably  at  Esky  Zagra  and 
Tsaribrod,  where  the  Zankoff  and  Radoslavoff  partisans 
were  strong,  and  there  is  not  the  slightest  doubt  that 
intimidation  was  freely  resorted  to.     This,  however,  saved 


PRINCE  FERDINAND.  I37 

the  Government  from  employing  force,  and  if  a  few 
Opposition  members  were  unjustly  prevented  from 
receiving  the  support  of  their  friends  at  the  polls,  the 
result  in  general  would  have  been  the  same,  had  the 
elections  been  perfectly  unfettered.  In  proof  of  the 
confidence  of  Stambuloff  in  this  view,  it  may  be  men- 
tioned that  as  soon  as  the  Chamber  met  to  confirm 
or  invalidate  the  results,  Stambuloff  rose  in  his  place  on 
the  Ministerial  Bench,  and  proposed  that,  at  Aidos,  where 
only  about  a  dozen  had  been  prevented  from  voting,  the 
result  should  be  allowed  to  stand,  as,  even  had  they 
recorded  their  votes,  it  would  not  have  changed  the  seat. 
His  motion  was  only  carried  by  a  majority  of  six  or 
seven.  He  then  proposed  that,  whereas  at  Tsaribrod 
the  Nationalists  had  taken  violent  possession  of  the  urns, 
and  prevented  the  Opposition  from  voting  at  all,  the 
election  should  be  held  again  ;  and  here  he  was  sup- 
ported by  the  whole  House.  So  much  has  always 
been  written  about  the  election  riots,  and  the  pressure 
exercised  by  the  Government,  that  it  is  worth  while 
to  put  on  record  the  fact  that  an  absolutely  free 
election  has  probably  never  been  held  in  Bulgaria,  with 
the  exception  perhaps  of  the  first  two,  and  is  never 
likely  to  be.  The  amount  of  pressure  exercised  depends 
principally  upon  the  strength  or  weakness  of  the 
Government,  but  even  when  it  is  powerful  enough  not 
to  need  the  employment  of  any  coercive  measures,  the 
electors  themselves,  from  old  habit,  and  in  the  fierceness 
of  their  political  passions,  will  often  come  to  blows,  when 
fighting  is  quite  superfluous.  After  every  election  the 
Opposition  invariably   produces   a   long  list   of  cases  of 


138  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

maltreatment,  and  the  Government  as  regularly  puts  in  a 
solemn  and  formal  declaration  that  no  force  was  ever 
used.  It  is,  however,  a  part  of  the  programme  in  the 
elections,  which  everybody  understands  perfectly  well, 
that  some  heads  should  be  broken,  and  the  complaints 
and  lamentations  of  the  defeated  are  never  treated 
seriously.  The  main  returns  are  not  actually  very  much 
interfered  with  by  these  amenities,  as  it  is  only  in  parti- 
cular strongholds  of  the  Opposition,  as  a  rule,  that  the 
Government  interferes  ;  and  in  the  rest  of  the  cases  the 
majority  bully  the  minority  because  they  are  the 
majority,  and  therefore  would  elect  their  candidate, 
even  without  the  violence,  which  they  delight  in  as 
much  as  Irishmen. 

Having  safely  weathered  the  elections,  Stambuloff  set  to 
work  to  defeat  the  designs  of  Russia  ;  both  by  frequent 
interviews  with  the  Foreign  Representatives  at  Sofia,  to 
whom  he  repeated  his  firm  determination  not  to  permit 
any  interference,  or  to  cede  to  any  force  other  than  the 
united  compulsory  weight  of  all  the  Powers,  and  by 
representing  to  the  Porte,  through  his  trusted  agent,  Dr. 
Vulkovitch,  that  in  her  demands  Russia  was  actuated  by 
a  desire  to  seize  Bulgaria  for  herself.  The  same  thread- 
bare old  arguments  were  brought  up  once  more,  and  the 
discussion  went  on  as  tediously  as  it  had  done  ever 
since  the  union  with  Roumelia ;  but  the  monotony  was 
somewhat  broken  by  the  Bulgarian  emigrants  at  Con- 
stantinople, whose  impatience  at  the  slow  and  ponderous 
steps  of  diplomacy  took  shape  actively  in  the  occur- 
rences at  Esky  Zagra  and  Bourgas,  in  December,  1S87. 

These    restless    spirits    organised    several    bands,   with 


PRINCE  FERDINAND.  139 

which  they  hoped  to  raise  the  populace  at  various 
places,  and  worry  and  harass  the  Government  into 
taking  measures  strong  enough  to  provoke  reprisals. 
M.  Madjaroff,  the  present  Minister  of  Communications, 
prepared  one  body  of  brigands,  who  were  to  enter  by 
Dervish  Tepeh,  and  raise  a  revolt  at  Esky  Zagra,  but  the 
scheme  was  nipped  in  the  bud  by  the  vigilance  of  the 
authorities,  who  caught  and  shot  several  of  the  outlaws. 
A  more  serious  attempt  was  that  directed  upon  Bourgas, 
by  Zankoff  and  Nabokoff,  the  former  of  whom,  however, 
as  usual,  kept  at  a  safe  distance  from  the  scene  of  action ; 
whilst  Nabokoff,  who  had  already,  it  will  be  remembered, 
fathered  a  similar  adventure,  led  his  men  in  person.  The 
troop  consisted  of  one  or  tvro  Bulgarian  outlaws,  a  priest, 
and  thirty  or  thirty-five  Montenegrins,  recruited  from  the 
slums  of  Constantinople.  The  Montenegrin  Government 
had  intelligence  of  the  plot,  and  warned  the  Porte,  which, 
nevertheless,  took  no  precautions  against  it,  and  the  ex- 
pedition landed,  in  small  boats,  at  a  point  close  to  the 
Turkish  frontier,  and  advanced  inland,  requisitioning  arms 
and  ammunition  as  they  went,  from  the  villagers.  A 
gendarme,  however,  who  had  seen  them  disembark,  rode 
off,  and  gave  the  alarm  to  Sizopolis,  whence  the  news  was 
telegraphed  to  the  Prefect  of  Bourgas.  That  functionary, 
without  delay,  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  company  of 
soldiers,  and,  telegraphing  in  all  directions  for  reinforce- 
ments, marched  out  to  meet  Nabokoff.  They  encoun- 
tered him  about  twenty-five  kilometres  outside  Bourgas, 
and  after  a  small  battle,  which  lasted  more  than  an  hour, 
killed  seven  or  eight  of  the  insurgents,  and  took  several 
more  prisoners ;  whilst  Nabokoff  and  the  remainder  fled 


I40  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

precipitately.  The  police  gave  chase,  raising  a  hue  and 
cry,  and  the  result  was  that  Captain  Nabokoff  was  shot  by 
a  party  of  peasants,  w^ho  had  tracked  him  into  a  wood. 
They  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  his  request  to  be  tried,  retorting 
that  they  did  not  intend  giving  him  up  again  to  the 
Russian  Vice -Consul,  and  shot  him  down.  Upon  his 
person  was  found  the  following  letter,  signed  by  Petro 
Petrovitch,  at  Constantinople,  and  addressed  to  Count 
Ignatieff,  A.D.C.  to  the  Czar. 

"Serene  Highness, — In  connection  with  a  communi- 
cation received,  Nicolai  Nicolaievitch  Nabokoff  arrived 
here  to  enlist  Montenegrins  for  the  matter  in  hand. 
Whereas,  however,  nothing  was  done,  or  settled,  with 
Prince  Nicolas  of  Montenegro,  no  course  now  remains 
open  except  for  Your  Highness  to  make  every  effort  to 
send  a  secret  message  to  Cettinjeh,  to  request  Prince 
Nicolas  to  direct  his  Representative  here,  M.  Boghitche- 
vitch,  to  do  nothing  to  prevent  our  enlisting  Montenegrins 
for  the  business,  both  here  and  in  Greece.  We  can  very 
easily,  and  in  a  short  time,  get  together  some  thousand  or 
fifteen  hundred,  and  do  everything.  The  Embassy  here 
must  also  be  told  to  view  everything  with  indifference, 
and  place  no  obstacles  in  the  way.  Everything  can  be 
accomplished  very  easily,  and  without  compromising 
anyone.  Alone,  the  Bulgarians  can  do  nothing,  and 
without  a  blow  from  outside  nothing  serious  can  take 
place.  Please  speak  to  Nabokoff,  who  is  going  there, 
and  tell  him  to  do  what  is  possible. 

(Signed)         "  Petro. 

"CoxsTANTixOPLE,  Feb.  ^h,  1887." 

This  letter  proved  conclusively  the  connivance  of 
Russia,  but  the  time  which  elapsed  between  the  date  of 
its  writing  and  the  adventure  of  Nabokoff,  would  also 
seem  to  point  to  no  very  great  enthusiasm  on  the  part  of 


PRINCE  FERDINAND.  141 

the  Slav  Committee,  of  which  Count  Ignatieff  was  one  of 
the  leaders. 

None  of  their  plots  having  brought  any  tangible  benefit 
to  Russia,  she  determined  to  press  the  question  more 
vigorously  through  diplomacy.  She  succeeded  in  securing 
the  support  of  Germany  and  France  in  her  demand  for 
the  Porte  to  send  a  formal  declaration  of  the  illegality  of 
the  Prince's  status  to  Sofia,  but  neither  England,  Austria, 
nor  Italy  would  have  anything  to  do  with  it,  and  this 
alone  deprived  the  note  of  most  of  its  vim. 

The  wording  of  it  was  as  follows  : — 

"  From  the  Grand  Vizier  to  M.  Stambulofif. 

"At  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  Prince  Ferdinand  of 
Coburg  in  Bulgaria,  I  informed  His  Highness,  by  a 
telegram  dated  the  22nd  August,  1887,  that  his  election 
by  the  Bulgarian  Assembly,  not  having  received  the 
assent  of  all  the  Powers,  Signatories  of  the  Treaty  of 
Berlin,  and  such  election  not  having  been  sanctioned  by 
the  Sublime  Porte,  his  presence  in  Bulgaria  was  contrary 
to  the  Treaty  of  Berlin,  and  was  illegal.  I  notify  to-day 
to  the  Bulgarian  Government  that,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Imperial  Government,  the  situation  is  still  unchanged, 
that  is  to  say,  that  the  presence  of  Prince  Ferdinand  at 
the  Head  of  the  Principality  is  illegal,  and  contrary  to  the 
Treaty  of  Berlin. 

''March  ^th,  1888." 

The  view  taken  by  England  was  tersely  put  by  Lord 
Salisbury  to  M.  de  Staal,  as  follows  :— * 

"  I  said  that  I  had  no  difficulty  whatever  in  admitting, 
on  behalf  of  Her  Majesty's  Government,  the  illegal 
character  of  Prince  Ferdinand's  position.  The  Turkish 
Government  were  perfectly  well  aware  of  our  opinions 
in  that  respect. 

*    Vide  Blue  Book,  No.  3,  1889,  Affairs  in  the  East. 


142  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

"To  join  with  the  other  Powers  of  Europe  for  the 
purpose  of  repeating  to  the  SubUme  Porte  this  well- 
known  fact,  would  be  a  step  without  meaning,  unless  it 
aimed  at  some  practical  result,  not  expressed  in  the 
communication  it  was  proposed  to  make." 

It  was  substantially  because  there  was  evidently  much 
more  beneath  the  surface  of  the  note  than  appeared, 
that  England,  Austria,  and  Italy  declined  to  join  in  re- 
commending its  despatch.  Count  Kalnoky  was  equally 
explicit  when  he  said  that  "  the  immediate  objective  of 
Russia  at  this  moment  was  to  get  rid  of  Prince  Ferdi- 
nand —  but  behind  Prince  Ferdinand  there  was  M. 
Stambuloff,  who  was,  if  possible,  more  objectionable 
still  in  the  eyes  of  Russia.  Was  he  to  be  got  rid  of,  too  ? 
And  who,  in  that  event,  was  to  take  his  place,  and  be 
responsible  for  the  maintenance  of  public  tranquillity 
and  order  in  the  country  ?  " 

Even  at  this  early  stage  Europe  had  come  to  recognise 
that  it  must  look  to  Stambuloff  principally  for  the  preser- 
vation of  the  peace,  and  that  there  was  no  other  factor 
capable  of  taking  his  place,  and  controlling  successfully 
the  threatened  destinies  of  his  country. 

When  he  received  the  telegram  of  the  Grand  Vizier,  he 
naturally  showed  it  to  the  Prince,  who  anxiously  enquired 
what  answer  he  meant  to  send.  Stambuloff  replied, 
"Telegrams  of  this  sort  are  best  left  unanswered.  Your 
Highness  may  rest  assured  that  we  shall  best  please 
Turkey  herself  by  ignoring  it."  After  a  short  while  had 
elapsed  Stambuloff  called  upon  the  Ottoman  Represen- 
tative, who  admitted  that  the  declaration  of  the  Porte  was 
made  at  the  instigation  of  Russia,  and  that  she  neither 


PRINCE  FERDINAND.  I43 

expected  nor  wished  for  any  notice  to  be  taken  of  it. 
With  the  despatch  of  this  Vizirial  telegram,  Russia  may 
be  said  to  have  closed  her  diplomatic  campaign  against 
Prince  Ferdinand.  As  we  shall  see,  various  plots  and 
conspiracies  occurred  later  on,  but  though  doubtless 
encouraged  by  the  Panslavist  and  so-called  Russophil 
Party,  they  could  scarcely  be  considered  as  enjoying 
ofificial  countenance.  By  the  formal  declaration,  repeated 
after  a  year's  rule,  of  the  illegality  of  Prince  Ferdinand's 
position,  Russia  claimed  that  at  any  favourable  moment 
he  might  be  ejected,  and  she  trusted  to  events  to  furnish 
the  opportunity.  From  this  date,  however,  she  relapsed 
into  more  really  "  passive "  protest,  and  the  Bulgarian 
Question  has  not  given  much  trouble  either  to  the  Porte 
or  the  Chanceries  of  Europe  since  then. 

The  rest  of  the  year  1888  was  spent  chiefly  in  internal 
reforms  and  progress.  The  most  important  step  was  the 
taking  over  of  the  Vakarel-Bellova  section  of  the 
Oriental  Railway,  and  the  extension  of  the  same  to 
Sarambey.  This  line  had  been  constructed  by  Baron 
Hirsch  and  the  "  Societe  des  Raccordements,"  on  a 
Convention  which  stipulated  that,  should  they  not  com- 
mence the  working  of  it  up  to  a  certain  date,  the  right 
to  do  so  would  devolve  upon  the  Government  of  the 
country  through  which  the  line  passed.  Notwithstanding 
this  clause,  Messrs.  Hirsch  and  the  Societe  were  engaged 
in  negotiations  for  selling  the  line  to  the  Vitalis  Company, 
which  was  supposed  by  the  Bulgarians  to  be  merely  a 
dummy  in  front  of  the  Austrian  Staatsbahn.  They 
protested,  but  while  the  first  exchange  of  views 
were   going   on,   the   representatives   of   the   Baron   and 


144  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

the  Soci^te — Messrs.  Binder  and  Landler — whilst  sitting 
in  the  restaurant  at  the  Bellova  station,  whither  they  had 
gone  to  report  on  the  question,  were  audaciously 
kidnapped  by  brigands.  This  incident  gave  the  Bulgarian 
Government  the  excuse  they  wanted,  and  they 
immediately  picketed  the  line  with  troops,  and  took 
possession  of  the  stations.  The  Turkish  Government 
remonstrated  indignantly,  though,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  it 
did  not  matter  much  to  them  who  had  the  railway,  the 
Bulgarians  being,  if  anything,  more  desirable  than  the 
Austrians.  Stambuloff  replied  that  they  had  not  taken 
possession  of  the  line  except  for  purposes  of  safeguard- 
ing it  pending  the  issue  of  negotiations,  but  being  once 
in  possession  they  soon  began  to  run  trains,  and  before 
long  formally  took  over  the  working  of  their  own  section. 

The  incident  which  gave  them  an  opening — the  capture 
of  Messrs.  Binder  and  Landler — threatened  at  one  time 
to  assume  very  serious  proportions,  but  owing  to  the 
energetic  measures  taken  by  the  Government,  the  prisoners 
were  finally  restored  after  the  payment  of  a  heavy  ransom, 
and  then  the  work  of  extermination  commenced.  The 
band  which  had  perpetrated  the  Bellova  outrage  was 
about  forty  strong,  under  the  leadership  of  the  famous 
Costa  Giurgiukly,  but  nearly  half  of  these  were  either 
captured  or  shot,  whilst  Costa  himself  escaped  to  Servia, 
where  he  remained  until  lately,  returning  to  Sofia  after 
Stambuloff 's  fall. 

The  reason  that  Stambuloff  took  such  radical  measures 
against  brigandage,  which  was  rife  all  over  Bulgaria 
when  he  assumed  office,  was  that  the  acts  of  brigandage 
were  usually  directed  against  influential   foreigners,  and 


PRINCE  FERDINAND.  145 

constituted  a  chronic  stick  to  lay  on  to  the  back  of  the 
Bulgarian  Government.  Hitherto  the  country  had  been 
so  torn  by  political  discords  that  no  attention  could 
be  devoted  to  brigandage,  but  by  the  summer  of  1889 
there  was  not  a  single  band  left  in  Bulgaria.  On  the 
one  hand,  Stambulofif  gained  considerable  credit  for 
having  achieved  this  result,  but  on  the  other  he  made 
enemies  of  all  the  Macedonian  brigands  and  their 
friends,  and  that  enmity,  which  has  already  cost  him 
dearly,  may  possibly  one  day  terminate  in  his  assassina- 
tion. For  the  Macedonian  never  remembers  a  kindness 
nor  forgets  a  wrong,  and  there  are  dozens  of  desperate 
men  who  can  look  back  on  the  days  when  Stambuloff 
was  living  amongst  them,  an  outlaw  like  themselves, 
but  who  would  be  ready  and  pleased  to  murder  him 
to-day  for  the  stern  repression  which  he  exercised 
throughout  his  tenure  of  the  Premiership.  Another 
reason  for  his  severity  was  that  in  striking  at  brigandage, 
he  frequently  discovered  that  he  was  dealing  a  back- 
handed blow  at  the  Panslavists,  and  it  was  now  war 
to  the  knife  between  them  and  him.  As  an  instance  of 
this  may  be  quoted  the  statement  made  by  one  of 
the  Bellova  brigands,  captured  near  Sofia.  He  had 
formerly  been  a  non-commissioned  officer  in  the  ist 
Cavalry  Regiment,  and  passed  through  the  N.C.O.'s 
School  at  Nikolaieff,  in  Russia.  In  the  Servian  War 
he  had  won  the  Cross  for  Valour.  A  year  before  he 
had  fled  the  country  to  escape  prosecution  for  a 
criminal  offence,  and  crossing  into  Servia,  was  taken 
up  at  Nish  by  a  Panslavist  agent,  who  fed  him,  and 
eight  others  in  the  same   kind  of  situation  as   himself, 

K 


146  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

throughout  the  winter,  with  money  supplied  by  the 
Belgrade  Committee.  In  the  spring  the  same  agent 
furnished  them  with  arms  and  ammunition,  and  directed 
them  to  proceed  to  certain  villages  across  the  Bulgarian 
frontier,  where  he  said  they  would  find  a  hearty  welcome 
from  the  peasants,  who  were  only  awaiting  their  arrival 
to  rise  against  the  Government.  They  were  joined  by 
many  others,  and  crossed  over  under  the  leadership  of 
ex-Captain  Kessaroff,  formerly  of  the  Struma  Regiment, 
who  had  taken  part  in  the  kidnapping  of  Prince  Alexander. 
They  found,  however,  a  very  hostile  reception,  and 
were  hunted  so  closely  by  the  troops  that  they  broke 
up  and  retreated  to  the  mountains,  and  some  of  them 
took  refuge  in  the  vast  forest  of  Bellova,  where  Costa 
Guirgiukly  formed  his  band,  and  they  lived  on  brigandage. 
This  man  had  upon  him  more  than  two  hundred  pounds, 
his  share  of  the  ransom  paid  for  Messrs.  Binder  and 
Landler. 

With  the  opening  of  the  Vakarel-Bellova  Railway,  the 
suppression  of  brigandage,  and  the  cessation  of  diplomatic 
attack  by  Russia,  the  Stambuloff  regime  had  every  reason 
to  be  satisfied  with  its  first  fifteen  months'  work.  There 
had  already  been  some  friction  in  the  Ministry,  but  it 
had  only  served  to  show  the  increasing  strength  of 
Stambuloff's  personal  authority,  and  the  end  of  1888 
saw  him  wielding  an  influence  which  few  cared  openly 
to  dispute. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  PANITZA  PLOT. 

Split  in  the  Ministry — Resignation  of  Stoiloff  and  Natchevitch — 
Stambuloff  and  the  Conservatives — Intriguing  Churchmen — Three 
Bishops  expelled  from  Sofia — A  seditious  petition  to  the  Exarch — 
A  reconciliation  patched  up — Prince  Ferdinand  and  Princess 
Marie  Louise  of  Parma — A  question  of  Religion — Stambuloff  deals 
with  the  constitutional  difficulty — Disaffection  of  Major  Panitza — 
Another  Russian  conspiracy — Discovery  of  the  Plot,  and  arrest  of 
Panitza — His  trial  and  condemnation — The  death  warrant  signed 
by  the  Prince — M.  Stambuloff's  marriage. 

IN  November,  1888,  the  Cabinet  was  disturbed  by  the 
resignation  of  MM.  Stoiloff  and  Natchevitch.  The 
ostensible  reason  was  the  throwing  out  by  the  Chamber 
of  a  Critninal  Code  which  had  been  elaborated  by  Stoiloff 
with  great  pains.  The  severity  of  the  penalties  for 
treason  did  not  please  the  Deputies,  and  Stoiloff  angrily 
refused  to  discuss  the  point,  and  withdrew  his  whole 
project.  Thereupon  both  he  and  his  Conservative 
colleague,  Natchevitch,  handed  in  their  resignations. 
This  incident  was,  however,  only  a  pretext,  for  con- 
siderable tension  had  existed  from  the  very  first  between 
Stambuloff  and  these  two.  Natchevitch  complained  that 
his  acts  were  perpetually  being  unfairly  criticised  in  the 
newspaper  Svoboda,  and  that  it  was  not  honourable  for 
the  President,  through  his  organ,  to  find  fault  with  the 
conduct  of  one  of  his  Ministers.  Stambuloff  declared 
that  he  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  writing  of  the  articles 

147 


148  M.    STAMBULOFF. 

in  question,  and  in  a  measure  apologised  for  them,  and 
the  quarrel  was  patched  up  for  a  short  while.  On  the  fall 
of  the  Conservatives,  however,  a  violent  article  came  out 
which  tore  down  the  mask  for  ever,  and  proved  that  the 
breach  between  Stambulofif  and  the  Conservatives  was 
irreparable. 

Before  their  leaving  office  they  had  been  approached 
by  the  Radoslavists  with  the  proposal  to  form  a  coalition 
to  overturn  Stambuloff,  but  had  refused.  They  were  now 
left  without  any  appreciable  number  of  followers,  many 
of  the  old  Conservatives  having  joined  the  more  decided 
parties  of  Zankoff,  Karaveloff,  Radoslavoff,  and  even  of 
Stambuloff.  The  truth  is  that  the  Conservatives  have  no 
definite  policy  beyond  a  vague  yearning  for  a  reconcilia- 
tion with  Russia.  They  are  not  ultra-Russian  like  the 
Zankoffists,  but  they  deprecate  the  defiant  attitude  of  the 
Nationalists.  This  kind  of  neutral  and  trimming  pro- 
gramme never  suited  the  Bulgarian  temperament,  and  the 
Conservatives,  even  when  in  power,  are  only  able  to 
maintain  themselves  by  the  support  of  other  factions ; 
their  own  followers  in  the  country  not  being  sufficiently 
numerous  to  give  them  a  majority. 

This  may  be  the  place  to  devote  a  few  words  to 
MM.  Stoiloff  and  Natchevitch,  who  are  undoubtedly 
the  most  influential  public  men  of  Bulgaria,  after 
Stambuloff.  M.  Stoiloff  was  educated  at  Robert  College, 
at  Constantinople,  which  establishment  he  left  with  the 
reputation  of  being  the  most  brilliant  pupil  it  had  ever 
produced.  He  finished  his  studies  abroad,  taking  a 
degree  as  Doctor  of  Law. 

He  returned  to  Bulgaria  as  Private  Secretary  to  Prince 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  PANITZA  PLOT.     149 

Alexander,  and  took  part  in  several  of  the  brief  Ministries 
of  that  period.  He  is  a  man  of  great  culture,  urbane 
manners,  and  pleasing  exterior.  It  is  extremely  difficult 
to  ruffle  him,  and  he  does  not  allow  trifles  to  disturb  the 
calm  with  which  he  watches  the  progress  of  public 
affairs,  which  he  usually  sees  through  a  rosy  mist.  He  is 
not  ambitious  or  fond  of  the  attributes  of  power,  and 
often  feels  annoyed  at  being  obliged  to  participate  in  the 
rough  methods  of  his  colleagues.  He  is  probably  the 
only  Bulgarian  statesman  of  any  prominence,  except 
M.  Grekofif,  who  has  not  more  enemies  than  friends. 

M.  Natchevitch  is  the  very  antithesis  to  Stoiloff.  He 
was  a  revolutionary  in  his  youth,  and  his  violent  nature 
led  him  to  participate  actively,  in  the  earlier  struggles 
of  Bulgaria,  often  together  with  Stambuloff.  Under 
Prince  Alexander  he  was  appointed  Bulgarian  Repre- 
sentative to  Vienna,  where  he  gained  some  experience  of 
the  outside  world.  It  was  he  who  accompanied  Prince 
Ferdinand  to  Bulgaria,  and  Stambuloff  offered  him  a  place 
in  the  Cabinet,  together  with  Stoiloff,  in  order  to  prevent 
him  from  opposing  his  rule  at  the  outset.  There  was, 
nevertheless,  scarcely  any  pretence  of  cordiality  between 
them,  and  as  soon  as  he  felt  himself  strong  enough  to 
do  without  them,  Stambuloff  got  rid  of  the  two  Con- 
servatives. There  are  some  slight  points  of  resemblance 
in  the  characters  of  these  old  opponents,  Natchevitch 
possessing  the  same  headstrong  will  and  domineering 
bent  as  Stambuloff.  He  has  not,  however,  the  same 
width  of  views,  nor  the  same  talent  for  organisation.  He 
is  a  bad  miniature  of  his  old  chief,  and  he  has  the 
reputation  of  deceiving  even  his  best  friends,  and  of  being 


ISO  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

almost  incapable  of  proceeding  in  a  straight  line,  if  there 
is  a  possible  corner  to  go  round.  The  way  in  which 
Stambuloff  threw  away  the  Conservatives  as  soon  as  he 
had  no  further  need  of  them  has  always  been  brought  up 
as  a  reproach  against  him,  and  not  without  foundation. 
He  feared,  however,  the  falsity  of  Natchevitch,  and  he 
could  not  rely  upon  Stoiloff  for  any  really  energetic 
support,  whilst  the  air  was  so  charged  with  intrigues  that 
he  preferred  to  have  men  of  straw  round  him,  who,  if  they 
could  not  help  him  much,  might  at  least  be  relied  upon 
not  to  thwart  him,  or  join  any  of  his  adversaries.  M. 
Natchevitch  was  replaced  by  M.  Salabasheff,  and  M. 
Stoiloff  by  M.  Tontcheff,  the  President  of  the  Chamber. 
It  was  generally  believed  at  the  time,  that  by  the  loss 
of  the  two  outgoing  Ministers,  both  of  whom  were  men 
comparatively  well  known  to  the  world  of  Europe, 
Stambuloff's  Cabinet  would  be  seriously  weakened,  if  its 
very  existence  was  not  threatened.  He  himself,  however, 
was  quite  confident  in  his  ability  to  carry  on  the  Govern- 
ment with  his  own  party  alone,  and  events  certainly 
seemed  to  warrant  his  assumption. 

In  the  beginning  of  1889  the  Holy  Synod  was 
convoked  in  Sofia.  It  consisted  properly  of  the  five 
Metropolitans  of  Sofia,  Varna,  Vratza,  Tirnovo,  and 
Rustchuk.  Of  these  Gregory,  of  Rustchuk,  was  unable 
to  attend  through  illness,  and  Cyril,  of  Sofia,  whose 
loyalty  to  the  Government  was  undoubted,  was  sent  to 
take  the  temporary  charge  of  the  diocese  of  Widdin. 
This  left  only  Clement,  formerly  MetropoUtan  of  Sofia, 
once  head  of  the  Provisional  Government  after  the 
Coup  d'etat ;  Simeon  of  Varna,  who  had  been  suspended 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  PANITZA  PLOT     151 

by  the  Regency  for  a  year  for  sedition  ;  and  Constantine 
of  Varna,  who  was  notoriously  a  Russian  agent.  Directly 
after  their  arrival  these  prelates  were  invited  to  pay  their 
respects  to  the  Prince,  Stambuloff,  and  the  Minister  of 
Public  Worship.  Monsignor  Simeon,  the  President, 
refused  to  do  so  on  the  grounds  that  Prince  Ferdinand 
had  repeatedly  infringed  the  Canons  of  the  Bulgarian 
Church,  and  encouraged  Catholicism  to  its  detriment. 
Stambuloff,  who  was  well  aware  of  the  danger  of  letting 
the  Church  defy  the  State,  instantly  retorted  by 
challenging  the  legality  of  the  Synod  as  constituted,  since 
two  of  the  Metropolitans  had  not  served  the  time 
prescribed  by  law  to  qualify  them  for  election.  He, 
therefore,  declined  to  have  any  official  relations  with 
them,  and  ordered  them  to  return  to  their  dioceses.  The 
Bishops,  however,  refused  to  go,  except  under  com- 
pulsion, and,  quoting  a  precedent  in  the  Synod  of  1886, 
declared  their  intention  of  continuing  in  session.  This 
open  defiance  was  accepted  boldly  by  Stambuloff,  who 
informed  them,  on  January  7th,  that  if  they  had  not 
left  in  three  days'  time,  of  their  own  free  will,  he  should 
find  himself  under  the  grievous  necessity  of  expelling 
them  by  force.  The  Bishops  could  not  believe  that  this 
was  more  than  a  threat,  or  that  any  Minister  would  dare 
to  use  violence  against  the  heads  of  the  Church.  They 
little  knew  the  character  of  the  man  they  had  to  deal 
with. 

At  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  twelfth,  the 
recalcitrant  priests  were  awakened  from  their  slumbers 
by  gendarmes,  who  escorted  them  out  of  Sofia,  and 
back  to  their   respective  bishoprics.     This   high-handed 


tS^  M.  STAMBULOFF. 

procedure  called  forth  furious  protests  on  all  sides,  and 
was  much  blamed  by  many  of  Stambuloff's  friends,  their 
principal  argument  being  that  by  his  action  he  was 
offering  a  weapon  for  agitation  to  enlist  the  sympathies 
of  Orthodox  fanaticism  in  denouncing  the  persecution  of 
the  Bulgarian  Church  by  an  unrecognized  Prince  and  his 
illegal  Government.  Stambuloff,  however,  saw  further 
than  they  did,  and  acted  entirely  on  his  own  principles,* 
His  own  private  information  had  been  that  the  meet- 
ings of  the  Synod  were  rapidly  becoming  the  resort  of  all 
the  Russophils  of  Sofia,  who  were  plotting  how  to  turn 
out  "the  Catholic."  He  therefore  begged  them  to  spend 
their  Christmas  elsewhere.  They  refused,  and  Stambuloff 
was  told  by  his  spies  that  amongst  their  decisions  was, 
that  on  New  Year's  Day,  the  1 3th  of  January,  they  should 
all  three,  when  performing  High  Mass  in  Sofia  Cathedral, 
pronounce  the  Anathema  against  the  Prince,  and  this  was 
to  serve  as  a  signal  for  the  rising  of  the  Russophils. 
Acting  upon  this  information  Stambuloff  expelled  them ; 
and  there  cannot  be  two  opinions,  when  viewed  in  the 
light  of  history,  but  that  he  did  well.  None  the  less,  the 
Opposition  determined  to  attack  him,  and  a  petition  was 
drawn  up  to  the   Exarch,  at  Constantinople,  signed  by 

*  He  often  told  ine  that  whatever  important  step  he  had  taken, 
relying  upon  his  own  judgment  alone,  had  almost  invariably  turned 
out  to  be  the  right  one ;  and  when  he  had  allowed  himself  to  be 
influenced  by  the  reasoning  of  others,  he  had  been  led  into  errors. 
So  far  had  this  belief  in  his  luck  gone  that,  as  he  progressed  in  his 
career,  he  became  more  and  more  confident  in  himself,  and  impatient 
of  advice,  till  towards  the  close,  he  would  scarcely  brook  the  expres- 
sion of  contrary  opinion,  even  from  Prince  Ferdinand.  It  was  partly 
this  superstitious  trust  in  his  own  star  which  led  to  his  fall. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  PANITZA  PLOT.     153 

twenty  of  the  most  prominent  Russophils.  It  is  worth 
noting  that  amongst  the  signatures  was  that  of  M.  Ivan 
Gueshoff,  at  present  the  Prince's  Finance  Minister.  The 
petition  ran  as  follows  (the  "impure  spring"  being  in- 
tended to  signify  the  Prince) : — 

"Your  Beatitude, — In  order  to  dry  up  this  impure 
spring,  which  threatens  utterly  to  corrupt  all  that  is  holy, 
pure,  and  elevated  in  Bulgaria,  and  which  is  sapping  the 
foundation  of  all  grace  in  this  country,  it  is  necessary  first 
of  all  to  cut  short  the  nourishment  which  it  receives  from 
the  original  foes  of  our  race  and  faith.  Whether  this  wall 
happen  soon  is  known  only  to  the  omniscient  God.  To 
us  it  only  remains  to  join  your  Beatitude,  and  all  our 
Holy  Church,  in  offering  unceasing  prayers  to  Him  to 
hasten  that  time,  in  order  that  these  days  of  moral  decay, 
through  which  our  country  is  passing,  may  be  shortened 
as  soon  as  possible  :  to  stay  the  hands  of  the  sons  of 
darkness  and  ungodliness,  to  dry  up  the  veins  of  the  foul 
spring,  to  support  all  true  followers  of  grace,  and  to  crown 
with  success  the  efforts  of  those  who  are  devoted  to  the 
sanctity  of  His  Name  and  Church. 

"  Your  Beatitude  !  to  you,  as  high  head  of  the  Orthodox 
Church  of  the  whole  Bulgarian  nation,  we  direct  our 
hopes  that  you  will  act  for  the  preservation  of  its  ances- 
tral dignity,  for  in  its  bosom  has  been  preserved  entire 
our  much-tried  Bulgarian  nation,  by  whom  it  has  been 
revived  politically,  and  through  whom  our  hopes  that 
its  life  may  be  strengthened  for  a  brighter  and  purer 
future." 

Stambuloff  immediately  struck  back  by  imprisoning  all 
the  signatories  of  this  seditious  petition,  and  letting  the 
Exarch  know,  through  Doctor  Vulkovitch,  at  Constanti- 
nople, that  as  long  as  the  Bishops  behaved  themselves 
and  attended  to  their  duties  he  would  treat  them  well, 
but  if  they  meddled  in  pohtics  he  was  firmly  resolved  to 


154  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

deal  with  the  utmost  severity,  both  with  them  and  their 
allies.  This  remonstrance  came  with  the  more  force  since 
the  Bulgarian  Exarch  received  his  stipend  from  the  Sofia 
Treasury,  and  Stambuloff  was  quite  capable  of  cutting  it 
off  in  the  case  of  a  rupture.  Monsignor  Joseph,  how- 
ever, who  is  an  extremely  clever  and  far-seeing  ecclesiastic, 
contented  himself  with  a  state  of  masterly  inaction,  and 
in  his  fight  with  the  Church,  a  most  formidable  antagonist, 
the  redoubtable  President  carried  off  all  the  honours. 
In  order  not  to  have  to  return  to  this  subject,  and  to 
make  the  story  of  his  relations  with  the  High  Clergy 
continuous,  and  perhaps  thereby  clearer,  we  may  trace  it 
briefly  through  its  subsequent  phases. 

The  three  Prelates,  disappointed  at  receiving  no 
support  from  the  Exarch,  were  temporarily  reduced  to 
subjection,  and  the  Synod  did  not  meet  again  till  1890, 
when  it  was  convoked  at  Rustchuk,  under  Gregory. 
Clement  and  his  acolytes  were  still  waiting  for  their 
revenge,  and  the  memory  of  1888  was  rankhng  deep. 
Stambuloff  had,  however,  in  the  meanwhile  succeeded  in 
obtaining  from  the  Sultan,  the  Firman  for  the  appoint- 
ment of  three  more  Bulgarian  Bishops  in  Macedonia,  and 
with  this  victory  behind  him,  he  went  himself  to 
Rustchuk.  Here  he  visited  several  of  the  Bishops,  and 
effected  a  quasi-reconciliation  between  them  and  himself. 
The  bases  of  it  were  not  well  known,  but  I  remember  at 
the  time  it  was  believed  that  it  had  been  brought  about 
by  the  use  of  language  more  firm  than  gentle.  The  end,  at 
any  rate,  was  gained,  and  ostensibly  peace  was  proclaimed 
in  the  newspapers  between  Stambuloff  and  the  Clergy. 
During  1890,   1891,  and  1892,  Prince   Ferdinand  was 


THE  CHURCH  AND   THE  PANITZA  PLOT.     155 

seeking  for  a  spouse,  and  Stambuloff,  with  the  daily  fear 
before  his  eyes  of  an  assassination  of  the  Prince  before  he 
should  have  founded  a  dynasty,  pressed  him  continually 
forward  in  his  quest.  For  if  an  infant  heir  should  be 
born  it  would  probably  cause  the  murder  party  to 
abandon  their  designs,  since  the  death  of  Ferdinand 
would  only  lead  to  a  Regency.  In  '92,  negotiations  were 
opened  with  the  Duke  of  Parma  for  the  hand  of  the 
Princess  Marie  Louise,  but  the  Duke  insisted  as  a  sine  qua 
non,  that  any  issue  of  the  marriage  should  be  brought  up 
in  the  Catholic  faith.  This  was  in  direct  contradiction 
with  Article  38  of  the  Constitution,  and  in  order  to 
accede  to  his  demand  it  was  necessary  to  alter  the  Consti- 
tution. It  was  a  step  before  which  the  boldest  Minister 
might  be  excused  for  hesitating.  It  would  not  only  meet 
with  the  most  strenuous  opposition  of  the  whole  Church, 
which,  for  political  reasons,  was  sure  of  the  support  of 
Russia,  but  even  the  Nationalists  themselves  would  be 
most  averse  to  any  meddling  with  the  Constitution,  which 
they  had  always  looked  upon  as  their  most  precious 
treasure.  After  long  and  anxious  reflection,  Stambuloff, 
nevertheless,  resolved  to  make  the  attempt.  The  necessity 
for  the  marriage  was,  in  his  eyes,  so  pressing,  that  it 
dwarfed  all  else,  and,  though  he  was  aware  that  he  was 
risking  his  position  and  making  a  certain  sacrifice  of 
much  of  his  influence  with  his  own  followers,  he  once 
more  threw  himself  into  the  breach. 

The  change  had  to  be  passed  first  through  the  Legisla- 
tive Chamber,  and  then  through  the  Grand  Assembly. 
If  it  could  obtain  the  assent  of  the  former,  that  of  the 
latter  was  a  mere  matter  of  form. 


156  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

Stambuloff  summoned  a  meeting  of  all  the  heads 
of  his  Party,  and  explained  to  them  at  length  the 
reasons  which  made  it,  in  his  opinion,  imperative  to 
alter  the  Constitution.  Not  one  single  member  present 
could  be  found  to  agree  with  him,  as  they  all  de- 
clared with  unanimity  that  such  a  change  would  offend 
the  religious  feelings  of  the  whole  nation,  and  would  cost 
the  Liberals  their  popularity.  Disappointed,  but  not 
discouraged,  Stambuloff  called  them  together  again  the 
next  day,  and  when  they  expected  to  hear  that  he  had 
renounced  his  project,  they  had  to  listen  to  an  im- 
passioned speech,  in  which  Stambuloff,  with  extraordinary 
self-devotion,  took  upon  himself  the  whole  odium  of  the 
measure,  solemnly  stating  that  it  was  not  the  Prince  who 
wished  the  change  \  on  the  contrary,  that  His  Highness 
was  opposed  to  it,  but  that  he,  Stambuloff,  saw  in  it  the 
only  way  out  of  their  difficulties,  and  was  so  determined 
to  carry  it  through,  that,  if  his  Party  persisted  in  with- 
holding their  support  from  him,  he  was  there  to  resign 
his  leadership,  and  throw  the  whole  responsibility  of  what 
might  follow  upon  them. 

It  was  only  after  a  terrible  struggle  that  the  resolute 
Premier  extracted  from  the  Deputies  the  promise  of  their 
support.  Stambuloff  told  me  himself  that  he  had  come 
out  of  it  "like  Jacob  after  he  had  wrestled  with  God." 
As  had  been  foreseen,  the  protests  of  the  Church  and 
Russia  were  launched  with  energy  against  the  impious 
Stambuloff,  who  for  a  short  while  was  in  some  danger  of 
falling.  The  Exarch  at  Constantinople  was  the  engine 
most  to  be  feared,  and  Stambuloff  spared  nothing  in 
his    efforts    to    come    to    an    understandins    with    him. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  PANITZA  PLOT.     157 

Monsignor  Joseph  had  at  first  been  an  ardent  Russophil, 
in  the  belief  that  Bulgaria's  best  interests  lay  in  Russia's 
keeping,  but  as  he  watched  the  methods  she  employed 
and  the  gallant  resistance  shown  by  Stambuloff,  his  true 
patriotism  prevailed,  and  he  was  already  more  than  half 
won  over.  In  this  crisis  the  Premier  appealed  to  him,  if 
he  had  any  love  for  his  country,  or  any  respect  for  his 
own  good  name,  not  to  lend  himself  to  the  agitation 
being  framed  against  the  Prince.  The  Exarch  proved 
that  he  was,  before  everything,  a  patriot,  and  assured 
Stambuloff  of  his  approval  at  heart  of  the  measure,  pro- 
mising that  he  would  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  Clement,  Gregory, 
and  his  followers. 

From  that  time  onward  the  Exarch  has  been  a  loyal 
and  valuable  ally  to  the  Government,  and  the  final 
reconciliation  of  the  Bulgarian  Orthodox  Church  with 
its  Catholic  Prince  was  sealed  by  a  telegram  of  con- 
gratulation, sent  by  Monsignor  Joseph  to  Prince  Ferdi- 
nand, to  Pianove,  on  the  day  of  his  marriage. 

To  return,  after  this  digression,  to  the  point  at  which 
we  left  the  Ministry  after  the  failure  of  the  last  Russian 
diplomatic  move.  For  the  remainder  of  1889  things  went 
on  tolerably  quietly  in  Bulgaria,  though  both  her  neigh- 
bours were  in  the  throes  of  political  crises.  King  Milan 
had  abdicated  in  Servia,  and  M.  Bratiano's  long  Ministry 
had  been  overthrown  at  Bucharest.  Neither  of  these 
events,  however,  affected  Bulgaria  seriously,  although  at 
one  moment  there  appeared  to  be  a  disposition  on  the 
part  of  Servia  to  shew  herself  aggressive.  With  Roumania 
the  best  relations  existed  from  the  first,  and  the  friendly 
attitude  of  that  country   has  always   been   the   greatest 


158  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

encouragement  to  Bulgaria,  \vhen  a  contrary  one  might 
have  placed  her  in  a  most  serious  predicament.  Party 
feeling  still  ran  high  amongst  the  various  factions,  and 
two  Ex-Ministers  were  condemned  to  a  year's  imprison 
ment  for  having  published  an  insulting  and  defamatory 
telegram  concerning  Stambuloff  and  the  Prince.  These 
were  MM.  Radoslavoff  and  Ivantchoff.  A  great  outcry 
was  made  at  the  political  persecution  and  tyranny  of 
Stambuloff,  but  as  they  were  condemned  by  a  properly 
constituted  Tribunal,  and  on  appeal  had  their  sentence 
reduced  to  one  month's  imprisonment,  there  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  any  very  great  wrong  done,  and  pro- 
bably Stambuloff  only  wished  to  frighten  them  and  to 
show  that  he  was  ready  and  able  to  put  down  agitation 
when  it  transgressed  legal  limits.  I  only  mention  the 
incident,  because  it  has  often  been  produced  in  extenua- 
tion of  the  persecution  to  which  Stambuloff  and  his 
partisans  were  subjected  later,  and  I  leave  the  reader  to 
draw  his  own  comparison. 

In  the  autumn  of  1889,  a  Russian  merchant,  named 
Kalubkoff,  came  to  Rustchuk,  accompanied  by  Jacobson, 
a  clerk  in  the  Legation  of  M.  Hitrovo,  at  Bucharest,  in 
order  to  try  .and  sell  some  Berdan  rifles  to  the  Bulgarians. 
After  the  Servian  War  there  had  been  a  general  demand 
for  re-armament,  but  nothing  much  had  been  done 
up  to  now.  Most  of  the  officers  and  men  in  the  army 
liked  the  old  Berdan  pattern,  as  it  was  a  weapon  with 
which  they  were  familiar,  and  its  strong  sword-like  bayonet 
pleased  them. 

Stambuloff,  personally,  was  in  favour  of  buying  Mann- 
lichers,  but  he  did  not  interfere  in  a  contract  being  made 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  PANITZA  PLOT     159 

by  the  War  Office  with  Kalubkoff  for  30,000  Berdan 
rifles.  The  officer,  who  acted  as  principal  intermediary  in 
this,  was  Major  Panitza.  Kalubkoff,  however,  failed 
to  deliver  the  rifles  within  the  stipulated  time,  and  the 
contract  was  accordingly  annulled,  to  the  great  vexation  of 
Panitza,  who  was  pecuniarily  interested  to  the  extent  of 
several  francs  a  rifle. 

It  must  be  understood  that  Panitza,  who  was  a  man  of 
most  violent  nature,  was  already  extremely  discontented 
and  angered  against  the  Prince  for  having  promoted 
Major  Petroff  over  his  head  to  a  Lieutenant-Colonelcy,* 
and  he  now  entered  into  active  relations  wdth  the  Russian 
Agency  at  Bucharest,  and  the  whole  Panslavist  organisa- 
tion. A  special  cypher  was  invented,  which,  under  cloak 
of  exchanging  questions  and  answers  concerning  the  rifle 
contract,  enabled  correspondence  to  pass  freely  between 
Sofia,  Rustchuk,  and  Bucharest. 

All  the  Slav  Committees  started  into  full  activity,  and 
even  went  so  far  as  to  choose  a  successor  for  the  Throne 
of  Prince  Ferdinand.  Their  selection  was  General  Domon- 
tovitch.  Dragan  Zankoff,  who  was  in  Belgrade,  I  believe, 
at  the  time,  sent  a  proclamation  to  Karaveloff  and 
Radoslavoff  for  them  to  sign,  whereby  they  bound  them- 
selves to  uphold  any  Government  which  should  turn  out 
the  Prince  ;  and  the  hopes  of  the  Russophils  again  ran 
high  in  secret. 


*  Colonel  INIutkuroff  at  first  refused  to  draw  out  the  decree  pro- 
moting Petroff,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  seniority.  Pressure  was  put 
upon  him,  and  he  actually  resigned,  but  at  Stambuloff's  request 
resumed  office,  and  drew  up  the  obnoxious  document  with  the 
remark,  "This  piece  of  paper  will  bring  no  good  with  it." 


i6o  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

Stambuloff  seized  a  copy  of  this  proclamation,  and 
was  well  aware  of  Panitza's  tendencies,  since  that  officer, 
even  in  public  cafes,  was  in  the  habit  of  expressing 
himself  very  freely,  and  in  most  abusive  terms,  concerning 
the  Prince.  Knowing  his  character,  however,  Stambuloff 
did  not  attach  much  importance  to  his  threats.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  though,  he  had  already  three-fourths  of 
the  Sofia  garrison  with  him,  as  well  as  the  Prefect  of 
Police,  M.  Basmadjieff,  who  was  often  seen  in  his 
company,  and  who  explained  this  by  saying  that  he 
was  watching  him  privately. 

It  was  not  until  January  that  the  full  gravity  of  the 
plot  was  revealed.  One  of  the  original  conspirators. 
Colonel  Kissofif,  Commandant  of  Sofia,  at  the  last  moment 
either  repented  or  felt  his  heart  fail  him,  and  reported 
to  Colonel  Mutkurofif  that  Panitza  had  come  to  him,  on  the 
24th,  with  a  proposal  that  he  should  hand  over  the  com- 
mand of  the  town,  and  allow  him  to  dethrone  the  Prince 
and  execute  the  Ministers.  The  mere  fact  of  his  making 
such  an  offer  showed  that  he  must  have  had  a  fair 
estimate  of  KissofPs  disaffection,  and  eventually  it  was 
proved  that  Kissofif  had  been  an  active  member  of 
the  conspiracy  for  some  time. 

When  Stambuloff  heard  Mutkuroff's  tale  he  set  his 
bloodhounds  on  the  track,  and  in  three  days  was 
in  possession  of  the  plot  in  most  of  its  details.  It  was 
Panitza's  servant,  who  was  used  as  a  confidential 
messenger,  who  betrayed  his  master  by  relating  all 
that  he  knew  before  one  of  Stambuloff's  men.  The 
Premier  did  not  wish  to  act  hurriedly,  but  there  was 
no  time  to  lose. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  PANITZA  PLOT,     i6i 

On  the  31st  of  January*  he  summoned  a  Council  of 
Ministers,  or,  rather,  he  called  Mutkuroff  and  Givkoff, 
who  were  the  only  two  in  whom  he  reposed  trust,  and 
they  deliberated  till  3  a.m.  Their  position  was  one  of 
the  most  imminent  peril.  They  now  knew  that  the 
greater  part  of  the  garrison  was  in  the  plot,  and  that 
nearly  three-fourths  of  the  officers  of  the  whole  army  were 
cognisant  of  it.  The  Prefect  of  Police  also  being  im- 
plicated did  not  improve  the  outlook. 

Stambuloff  declared  that  Panitza  must  be  arrested  that 
same  night,  at  all  hazards.  His  colleagues  objected  for 
various  reasons,  but,  as  usual,  Stambuloff  had  his  way, 
and  summoned  Captain  Botcheff,  Commandant  of  the 
I  St  Regiment,  ordering  him  to  arrest  Panitza.  He 
declined  the  office,  and  suggested  that  the  Platz-Com- 
mandant  was  the  man  for  such  a  duty. 

Stambuloff  then  hit  upon  the  decidedly  original  idea 
of  sending  Kissoff,  and  Basmadjieff  the  Prefect  (the  two 
accomplices),  to  arrest  Panitza.  There  was  a  grim  irony 
in  this  procedure  which  suited  his  mood  at  this  critical 
moment — one  of  the  most  critical  in  his  whole  life.  But 
as  he  had  no  great  confidence  in  these  two  traitors,  going 
to  seize  their  chief  with  ten  soldiers  and  six  gendarmes, 
he  ordered  five  police  commissaries,  upon  whom  he 
could  rely,  with  fifty  men,  to  go  behind  the  first  party,  and 
see  that  they  executed  their  mission,  giving  them  orders,  if 

*  As  no  Blue  Books  were  issued  after  1889,  and  I  am  writing 
out  of  reach  of  any  available  means  of  controlling  dates,  for  which  I 
have  to  rely  mostly  upon  memory,  I  crave  the  indulgence  of  the 
reader,  if  there  should  be  occasional  errors  of  a  day  or  two.  The 
dates  given  will,  however,  be  found,  I  believe,  in  most  cases  correct, 
or  else  very  approximate. 

L 


1 62     .  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

necessary,  to  make  the  whole  party  prisoners  together  with 
Panitza.  Then  he  waited  to  see  the  result.  Half  an  hour 
passed,  and  nobody  came.  He  grew  somewhat  nervous,  and 
crossed  over  the  way  to  his  old  friend  Slavkoff,  who  lived 
opposite,  and  begged  him  to  accompany  him  to  Panitza's 
house,  and  learn  the  worst.  On  reaching  it,  though, 
to  his  intense  relief,  he  found  that  the  arrest  had  been 
effected.*  In  the  rooms  were  found  a  mass  of  documents, 
cypher  telegrams,  codes,  and  letters,  proving  that  the 
Artillery,  the  Cavalry,  and  nearly  half  the  Infantry,  were 
in  the  plot. 

On  the  night  of  February  ist,  a  Court  Ball  had 
been  announced  at  the  Palace.  The  Prince  wished  to 
countermand  it,  but  Stambuloff  insisted  upon  its  being 
held.  Out  of  the  two  hundred  officers  present,  sixty  or 
seventy  per  cent,  were  Panitza's  friends  and  accomplices. 
They  were  walking  about  the  saloons,  under  the  angry  eye 
of  the  Prince,  and  the  cold  scathing  scorn  of  Stambuloff, 
like  men  in  a  dream.  They  fully  expected  to  be  arrested 
en  ?}iasse  in  the  Ball-room,  and  it  was  a  relief  to  every- 
body when  the  evening  came  to  a  close. 

But  the  first  day  or  two  which  had  to  elapse  before 
loyal  officers  could  arrive  from  the  provinces  to  replace 
the  disaffected  ones,  were  a  time  of  intense  anxiety. 
Very  few  arrests  were  made  on  this  occasion  in  compari- 
son with  the  magnitude  of  the  conspiracy — on  account  of 
its  very  magnitude.  It  was  currently  said  and  repeatedly 
published  at  this  period  that  Stambuloff  was  exaggerating 

*  It  was  said  at  the  time  that  Stambuloff,  with  a  couple  of 
gendarmes,  had  arrested  Panitza  himself,  but  the  foregoing  is  an 
account  of  what  really  occurred. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  PANITZA  PLOT     163 

the  importance  of  the  plot  in  order  to  enable  him  to 
strike  harder  at  his  enemies.  The  exact  opposite  was  the 
case.  He  employed  every  device  to  conceal  the  disgraceful 
extent  to  which  the  disaffection  had  spread,  and  very 
many  of  those  most  closely  implicated  were  suffered  to 
go  unpunished,  beyond  the  fact  of  a  knowledge  of  their 
defection  being  clearly  notified  to  them.* 

The  preliminary  enquiry  lasted  until  May,  and  these 
two  or  three  months  raised  public  excitement  in  Sofia 
and  abroad  to  a  high  pitch.  On  the  15th  March,  I 
recollect  having  a  long  conversation  with  Stambuloff,  who 
was  somewhat  discouraged  at  the  outlook.  He  said  that 
Bismarck  was  turning  against  the  Bulgarians,  and  there 
was  the  prospect  of  a  rupture  over  the  question  of 
Commercial  Treaties.  The  Porte  had  again  been  in 
communication  with  Dr.  Vulkovitch,  and  had  declared 
that  it  would  not  recognise  either  the  Prince  or  his 
Government,  and  Reshid  Bey,  the  Ottoman  Commis- 
sioner, "  fled  from  him  in  the  street,  rather  than  talk 
about  the  Railway.  Bulgaria  had  become  a  national 
leper,"  he  concluded.  Madame  Panitza  was  following  the 
precedent  formerly  set  by  Mesdames  Karaveloff  and 
Ludskanoff,  and  petitioning  the  Foreign  Agents  to  save  her 
husband  from  ill-treatment,t  and  every  sort  of  accusation 

*  Several  of  the  conspirators  were  actively  employed  in  the 
prosecution,  and  even  up  to  the  last  tragic  act  in  the  drama,  but  I 
refrain  from  mentioning  names  in  this  connection. 

t  On  the  twentieth  of  April,  I  visited  Panitza,  in  prison,  to 
ascertain  if  there  were  any  truth  in  the  reports  of  his  maltreatment. 
I  found  him  tolerably  cheerful,  and  confident  that  nothing  would 
befall  him.  He  denied  absolutely  that  he  had  undergone  any  hard- 
ships whatever. 


i64  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

was    being    brought    against    the    Government   in   con- 
nection with  the  prisoners  and  their  trial. 

The  Court  Martial  came  off  in  due  course,  opening  on 
the  15th  May.  It  was  held  in  some  small  barracks  on 
the  outskirts  of  the  town,  and  the  hearings  were  public. 
The  prisoners  in  whom  public  attention  centered  were 
Panitza  and  Kalubkoff.  The  former  maintained  a  quiet, 
soldierlike  attitude,  but  the  latter  assumed  a  cynical 
indifference,  and  refused  to  answer  any  interrogatory 
except  in  Russian.  The  proceedings  lasted  for  about  a 
fortnight.  The  prosecution  relied  chiefly  upon  the  docu- 
ments seized  at  Panitza's  house,  but  a  mass  of 
supplementary  evidence  was  in  their  possession,  not  one 
third  of  which  was  ever  produced.  One  of  their 
principal  objects  was  to  prove  the  aiding  and  abetting  of 
the  conspiracy  by  Russia,  and  to  this  end  they  put  in  the 
famous  Jacobson  letters,  which  were  afterwards  published. 
These  were  sold  to  the  Bulgarian  Government  by  the 
Consulate  Clerk,  Jacobson.  Their  authenticity  was 
immediately  denied  by  Russia,  but  they  bore  unmistake- 
able  signs  of  being  too  near  the  truth  to  be  disregarded. 
They  consisted  of  a  series  of  despatches  addressed  to  and 
from  the  Bucharest  Agency.  In  almost  every  case  the 
official  number  and  date  were  appended,  and  if  they  were 
forgeries  they  were  extremely  clever  ones.  I  learnt  later, 
that  out  of  the  collection  there  were  only  two  or  three 
which  were  textual,  but  that  the  remainder  were  expanded 
from  the  Consular  Archives.  That  is  to  say,  Jacobson 
had  copied  out  the  numbers  and  the  resumes  of  contents, 
which  are  very  fully  given  in  Russian  Chanceries,  with  the 
dates  and  names  of  senders  and  recipients,  and  with  these 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  PANITZA  PLOT.     165 

materials  he  had  constructed  the  despatches,  which,  from 
his  knowledge  of  the  official  style,  and  from  his  aptitude 
in  invention,  doubtless  very  closely  resembled  and  fairly 
represented  the  originals. 

The  prisoners  and  their  friends  made  no  secret  of  their 
belief  that  the  Government  dared  not  execute  them,  and 
that  if  it  tried  to  do  so,  Russia  would  intervene  in  their 
favour.  Stambuloff,  on  the  other  hand,  said  that  the 
verdict  of  the  Court  should  be  carried  out,  whatever  it 
might  be.  This  verdict  was  pronounced  at  two  in  the 
morning  of  the  30th  of  May,  and  whilst  Kalubkoff  was 
sentenced  to  imprisonment,  and  handed  over  to  the 
Russian  representative,  Panitza  was  condemned  to  death. 
Even  then,  there  were  but  few  in  Sofia  who  believed  that 
the  sentence  would  be  carried  out.  Panitza  refused  to 
appeal,  and  was  himself  confident  that  his  Hfe  was  in  no 
danger.  His  trust  in  Russia  was,  however,  misplaced. 
There  was  some  delay  and  formality  about  the  confirma- 
tion of  the  sentence,  and  it  was  not  until  three  or  four 
weeks  later  that  Prince  Ferdinand  signed  the  death- 
warrant  on  board  his  yacht,  at  Lorn  Palanka,  before 
leaving  for  a  short  visit  to  Ebenthal.  The  document 
was  brought  back  to  Stambuloff,  who  was  actmg  as 
Regent,  or  Princely  Lieutenant,  by  Major  Agoura,  and 
the  sentence  was  executed  immediately.  The  unfortu- 
nate Panitza  was  taken  out  in  the  morning  to  the  camp  at 
Bali  Effendi,  and  there  shot.  His  fate  served  as  a  terror 
to  his  fellow  -  conspirators,  and  was  thoroughly  well 
merited,  but  much  sympathy  was  felt  for  him  on  account 
of  his  past  services  and  his  lovable  disposition,  for,  like 
many  violent   headstrong  characters,   he  was   frank  and 


i66  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

jovial,  brave  as  a  lion,  and  endowed  with  many  good 
qualities.  He  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Stambuloff,  and 
a  leading  man  of  the  Macedonian  Party,  both  of  which 
circumstances  rendered  it  harder  for  the  Premier  to  order 
his  execution.  There  was,  however,  no  choice  in  a 
matter  which  was  one  of  life  and  death,  not  only  for  the 
prisoner,  as  ringleader  of  a  most  formidable  conspiracy, 
but  for  Bulgaria.  All  personal  feelings  had  to  disappear 
in  the  presence  of  the  national  danger,  and  Stambuloff 
once  more  proved  himself  equal  to  the  occasion.  For  it 
must  be  thoroughly  well  understood  that  during  his  term 
of  office  the  Government  was  Stambuloff,  and  Stambuloff 
alone  was  the  Government.  Every  decision  of  any 
moment  was  taken  by  him  without  consulting,  except 
in  a  perfunctory  manner,  either  his  colleagues  or  the 
Prince.  The  Ministers  were  allowed  to  carry  on  the 
minor  routine  work  of  their  Departments,  and  the  Prince 
was  permitted  to  sign  decrees,  to  give  dinner-parties  in 
his  Palace,  or  to  go  travelling  over  Europe,  but  the  entire 
responsibility  and  management  of  Bulgarian  affairs  was 
undertaken  and  fulfilled  by  Stambuloff,  on  his  own 
initiative  and  authority,  and  guided  by  his  own  judg- 
ment exclusively. 

In  the  spring  of  1888  Stambuloff  married  Mdlle. 
Polyxena  Stantcheff,  of  Sistoff.  This  accomplished  lady 
was  brought  up  in  Dresden,  and  is  a  good  linguist, 
speaking  English,  French,  and  German  with  equal  fluency. 
Though  not  very  fond  of  society,  Madame  Stambuloff 
was  often  to  be  met  in  the  saloons  of  the  Foreign 
Diplomats,  where  she  was  quickly  the  centre  of  a  little 
group,  attracted  as  much   by  the  animated  verve  of  her 


NIDML     STAMBULOFF. 


THE  CHURCH  AND   THE  PANITZA  PLOT.     167 

conversation,  as  by  her  great  personal  charms.  On  the 
occasions  when  the  pair  spent  an  evening  with  their 
friends,  it  was  pleasant  and  amusing  to  see  how  Stam- 
buloff  threw  off  the  burdens  of  State,  and  was  as  quickly 
surrounded  by  the  ladies  as  his  wife  by  the  gentlemen,  in 
opposite  corners  of  the  drawing-room 

Four  children  have  been  born,  the  eldest  of  whom, 
Stepan,  died  young.  The  second,  Constantine,  a  fine 
httle  boy,  is  now  six  years  old  ;  the  girl,  Vera,  is  four ; 
and  baby  Asen  is  one  and  a-half 

Madame  Stambuloff  is  a  most  devoted  wife  and 
mother,  and  is  a  model  whom  all  Bulgarian  ladies  look 
up  to  with  affection  and  respect. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  BELTCHEFF  AND  VULKOVITCH  MURDERS. 

The  system  of  political  assassination  —  Stambuloff  and  Beltchetif — 
"  Run,  Beltcheff,  run  !" — The  scene  in  the  Cathedral — Horror  at 
the  crime — The  assassins — A  tough  cypher — The  warning  to 
Dr.  Vulkovitch — His  murder — Stambuloff  goes  to  Constantinople 
— His  reception  by  the  Sultan — Triumphant  majority  at  the 
elections— The  opening  of  the  quarrel  with  the  Prince — Stambuloff 
reporting  to  the  Prince — The  undated  resignation — An  insolent 
officer — How  he  was  punished — The  Prince  and  Petkoff — In  the 
Red  Saloon — Stambuloff's  revenge. 

WITH  the  execution  of  Panitza  it  was  hoped  that 
an  end  had  been  put,  for  ever,  to  military  pro- 
nunciamentos  in  Bulgaria.  And,  in  truth,  the  Com- 
mittees lost  heart  at  their  repeated  failures,  and  gave  up, 
in  despair,  all  hope  of  raising  another  revolution.  They 
did  not,  however,  on  this  account,  cease  from  molesting; 
and  finding  it  impossible  to  get  rid  of  the  Prince  in  any 
other  fashion,  they  decided  to  assassinate  him.  One  of 
their  principal  agents  was  a  certain  Rizoff,  who  had  been 
arrested,  together  with  Panitza,  but  had  been  released  for 
lack  of  evidence.  He  then  went  to  Belgrade,  where  he 
published  a  full  account  of  the  plot,  and  of  his  own  share 
in  it.* 

Together  with  other  Macedonians,  he  organised  small 
bands  of  cut-throats,  who  were  to  be  the  instruments  in 

*  Rizoff  is  now  in   Sofia,  editor  of  the   newspaper,   the   Mlada 
Bulgaria. 

i68 


BELTCHEFF  S^  VULKOVITCH  MURDERS.        169 

the  new  system,  that  of  political  assassination.  Some  of 
the  most  resolute  ruffians  were  sent  to  Sofia,  originally 
with  instructions  to  kill  the  Prince;  but  after  deliberation, 
they  changed  their  minds,  and  it  was  thought  that  it  might 
be  better  if  they  were  to  murder  Stambuloff,  as  they 
would  thus  get  rid  of  him,  and  at  the  same  time  frighten 
the  Prince  into  abdicating,  or  else  leave  him  without  his 
main  support.  This,  at  least,  was  supposed  to  be  the  line 
of  reasoning  they  took,  though  it  is  quite  possible  that 
mere  Macedonian  revenge — the  vendetta  spirit  for  the 
death  of  Panitza,  prompted  them. 

Stambuloff  was  not  in  ignorance  of  these  plots,  being 
very  well  served  by  his  spies ;  but  he  doubted  if  anybody 
would  be  found  bold  enough  to  shoot  at  him,  and  he  took 
no  precautions  whatever,  beyond  being  generally  followed 
by  a  policeman  when  he  took  his  walks. 

At  the  end  of  1890  there  was  another  change  of 
Ministry,  M.  Grekoff  replaced  Dr.  Stransky,  as  Minister 
for  Foreign  Affairs ;  and  M.  Beltcheff  took  over  the 
Finance.  Beltcheff  was  no  politician,  belonged  to  no 
party,  and  was  a  simple-hearted  honest  public  servant. 
He  was  so  gentle  and  kindly  in  his  nature,  that  he  had 
not  an  enemy  in  all  Bulgaria.  He  had  formerly  been 
Secretary-General  in  the  same  Ministry,  and  when  he  was 
promoted  to  the  head  of  it,  there  was  a  good  deal  of 
important  work  going  on.  Amongst  other  questions,  was 
that  of  the  Bulgarian  Government  taking  possession  of 
the  Vakarel-Bellova  Railway,  and  the  payment  of  two 
millions  to  be  made  by  it.  When  this  subject  came 
before  the  Council  of  Ministers,  Beltcheff  was  unable  to 
give  some  figures  asked  for  by  Grekoff,  or  one  or  other  of 


I70  M.    STAMBULOFF. 

his  colleagues.  It  became  necessary,  in  order  to  learn 
the  details,  to  call  in  an  employe  before  the  Council,  a 
most  unusual  proceeding,  which  several  of  the  Ministers 
objected  to  very  strongly,  and  they  threw  the  blame  upon 
Beltcheff.  The  fact  was,  that  Beltcheff  had  not  yet 
chosen  a  Secretary-General  to  fill  the  place  left  vacant 
by  his  promotion,  and  was  working  twelve  and  fourteen 
hours  a  day  in  an  attempt  to  fulfil  the  double  duties  of 
Minister  and  Secretary.  The  other  Ministers,  after  this 
incident,  charged  Stambuloff,  as  Beltcheff's  oldest  friend 
— they  had  been  at  school  together — to  press  upon  him 
the  advisability  of  naming  a  Secretary  forthwith.  Belt- 
cheff was  of  a  very  sensitive  disposition,  and  Stambuloff 
cast  about  for  a  favourable  chance  of  putting  the  case 
before  him  in  a  manner  not  to  offend  him.  After  the 
Council,  on  the  27th  March,  1891,  most  of  the  Ministers 
adjourned  to  the  Cafe  Panakh,  and  sat  there  for  an  hour 
or  so,  over  coffee  and  cigarettes.  About  eight  o'clock  the 
party  broke  up,  and  Grekoff  asked  Stambuloff  to  walk 
home  with  him.  He  replied  that  he  would  go  with 
Beltcheff,  in  order  to  talk  with  him  over  the  subject  they 
had  agreed  upon.  It  was  eight  o'clock,  perhaps  a  little 
later,  as  the  two  Ministers  left  the  Cafe.  They  were  both 
of  about  the  same  height  and  build,  wearing  the  same 
coloured  clothes,  and  otherwise  resembling  one  another, 
the  difference  in  complexion  between  the  fair  Beltcheff 
and  dark  Stambuloff  not  being  visible  in  the  dusk. 

As  they  left,  Stambuloff  had  Beltcheff  on  his  right ;  but 
as  he  was  in  the  habit  of  carrying  a  heavy  stick  in  that 
hand,  after  a  few  paces  he  crossed,  so  that  he  was  on 
Beltcheff's  right.     This  move  saved  his  life,  and  cost  that 


BEL TCHEFF  &^  VULKO  VITCH  MURDERS.        1 7 1 

of  his  friend.  They  sauntered  down  the  path,  tallcing 
seriously  of  Beltcheffs  position,  and  Stambuloff  was  just 
proposing  his  own  secretary,  Lukanoff,  for  the  place  of 
Secretary-General,  when  a  pistol-shot  rang  out.  With 
the  knowledge  that  his  assassins  were  upon  him,  and  that 
the  threats  which  he  had  disbelieved  in  were  being  put 
into  execution,  Stambuloff  fled,  shouting  out,  "Run, 
Beltcheff,  run  after  me."  Before  he  had  gone  fifty  yards 
he  heard  two  more  shots,  after  the  first  of  which  came  an 
exultant  cry,  "Stambuloff  is  killed!"  and  then  silence. 
Entering  the  fourth  Uchastuk  (guard-house),  Stambuloff 
hastily  summoned  four  or  five  gendarmes,  and  returned 
to  the  scene  of  the  catastrophe.  There  he  found  the 
body  of  Beltcheff,  lying  just  inside  the  gate  of  the  garden. 
Instead  of  following  Stambuloff  down  the  middle  of  the 
road,  he  had  evidently  turned  into  the  public  garden, 
hoping,  perhaps,  to  find  shelter  amongst  the  trees  and 
shrubs.  A  struggle  had  apparently  taken  place  here,  and 
the  second  shot  had  pierced  his  heart.  The  first  one  had 
passed  through  his  right  arm,  merely  causing  a  flesh 
wound.  A  hue  and  cry  was  raised  at  once,  but  not  a 
trace  could  be  discovered  of  the  murderers.  The  excite- 
ment and  horror  in  Sofia  was  intense  at  this  dastardly 
crime,  and  the  public  joined  in  the  search  that  night, 
during  which  few  people  in  the  capital  went  to  rest.  A 
message  was  sent  to  Madame  Beltcheff  that  her  husband 
was  detained  on  business,  but  she  grew  so  anxious,  that  at 
midnight  Stambuloff  himself  went  to  break  the  news  to 
her.  At  his  first  words  she  guessed  the  truth,  and  broke 
into  violent  reproaches.  The  corpse  was  not  carried 
home  till  early  the  next  morning.     That  day  the  house 


172  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

was  filled  with  sympathising  friends,  Stambuloff  himself 
staying  for  several  hours  in  the  reception-room ;  and  the 
day  after  the  coffin  was  taken  to  the  Cathedral,  the 
Premier  walking  as  chief  mourner.  The  scene  after  the 
close  of  the  burial  service,  when  Madame  Beltchefif 
approached  the  bier  to  print  a  last  kiss  on  the  face  of 
the  murdered  man,  was  most  pathetic ;  and  the  great 
beauty  of  the  bereaved  widow  lent  additional  force  to 
the  picture,  as  she  threw  herself  across  the  coffin,  sobbing 
and  repeating  her  husband's  name,  till  the  feelings  of  all 
present  were  strung  almost  past  endurance.  It  was  like  a 
most  powerfully-acted  tragedy ;  but  here  the  emotion  was 
real,  and  tears  were  streaming  from  every  eye  as  her 
relations  tore  her  away,  and  carried  her  senseless  form 
out  of  the  church.  There  was  only  one  universal  senti- 
ment of  horror  and  craving  for  vengeance,  but  it  was  not 
easy  to  satisfy.  Knowing,  however,  those  who  were  likely 
to  be  implicated  in  a  crime  of  this  nature,  Stambuloff 
summarily  arrested  a  dozen  of  the  worst  characters,  and 
through  them  he  learnt  the  facts. 

The  assassination  had  been  perpetrated  by  five  in- 
dividuals. 

First,  Denu  Teufectchieff,  who  had  come  from  Mace- 
donia for  the  purpose.  He  was  the  youngest  of  three 
notorious  brothers,  and  was  only  eighteen  years  of  age. 
During  the  preliminary  enquiry,  he  died  in  the  hospital 
of  Alexandroff,  according  to  the  medical  certificate,  of 
consumption.  It  was,  however,  stated  at  the  time  that 
he  was  cruelly  beaten  and  tortured  to  make  him  confess 
the  names  of  his  confederates ;  and  the  Prefect  of  Police, 
Lukanoff,  is  now  under  arrest  and  bail  on  this  charge. 


BEL  TCHEFF  &-  VULKO  VITCH  MURDERS.        173 

After  hearing  a  great  deal  of  evidence  on  both  sides,  I 
am  inclined  to  think  that,  acting  under  the  impulse  of 
rage,  the  subordinate  police  officials  probably  did  torture 
Denu,  and  that  this  torture,  inflicted  upon  a  weak  con- 
stitution, led  to  his  death.  Impartiality  calls  for  the 
severest  censure  upon  this  brutality,  which  recalls  the  old 
days  of  the  Inquisition,  and  which  is  supposed  to  be  a 
thing  of  the  past  centuries.  The  same  impartiality,  how- 
ever, makes  it  a  duty  to  remark  that  the  use  of  violence 
towards  prisoners  is  not  confined  to  Bulgaria,  nor  in 
Bulgaria  to  this  particular  case.  Stambuloff  is  now  being 
virulently  attacked  for  the  death  of  Denu,  which  is  only 
natural  since  his  brother  and  accomplice  is  at  present  in 
Sofia,  and  in  high  favour  with  the  Government.  Whether 
he  or  his  lieutenant,  Lukanoff,  ordered,  or  had  knowledge 
of,  the  maltreatment  of  Denu  is  very  difficult  to  deter- 
mine, as  there  has  been  the  hardest  swearing  on  both 
sides.  It  would  scarcely  be  becoming  to  offer  any 
opinion  on  the  case,  as  it  is,  at  the  time  of  writing,  still 
sub  judice.  The  second  assassin  was  Mikhail  Duressna,* 
also  from  Macedonia.  During  the  struggle  with  Beltcheff, 
Nicola  Teufectchieff's  shot  passed  through  Duressna's 
right  hand.  The  wound  was  sufficiently  painful  and  con- 
spicuous to  prevent  Duressna  from  flying  the  country, 
and  he  took  refuge  in  the  house  of  a  Macedonian  Greek. 
He  remained  with  him  for  a  month,  till  his  hand  had 
healed,  and  then  went  to  vServia.  After  he  had  left,  the 
Greek,  who  would  not  betray  his  guest,  told  the  authorities 
the  story.  The  third  was  Nicola  Teufectchieff,  above 
mentioned.  The  fourth  was  the  ex-Prefect  of  Trn, 
*  Generally  known  as  Hailio  from  Ressna. 


174  M.    STAMBULOFF. 

Kozaroff.  These  three  are  now  in  Sofia,  presumably 
engaged  in  a  similar  business.  The  fifth  was  Georgi 
Velikoff.  At  the  time  of  the  trial  there  was  not  suffi- 
cient proof  to  convict  him  in  the  first  degree,  and  he  was 
condemned  to  eighteen  years'  penal  servitude.  On  the 
30th  May,  1895,  when  Stambuloff  fell,  he  was  released 
from  prison,  and  shortly  afterwards  this  murderer  was 
appointed  Procureur-General  of  Lovtcha,  where  he  is 
now  officiating.  Very  severe  measures  were  now  taken 
by  Stambuloff  against  all  suspicious  vagabonds,  who,  in 
order  to  save  themselves  from  arrest,  fled  to  Servia, 
Constantinople,  and  Odessa;  and  by  the  end  of  1891, 
there  w^ere  probably  not  ten  left  in  the  whole  of  Bulgaria. 
This  was  styled  by  the  Opposition  the  Reign  of  Terror, 
but  if  ever  a  Government  had  reason  to  cleanse  the  country 
of  conspirators  and  professional  assassins,  that  Govern- 
ment was  the  one  of  which  Stambuloff  was  the  head. 

The  Terror  being  established  in  Bulgaria,  the  con- 
spirators were  bound  to  seek  a  fresh  field  for  their 
operations,  and  not  daring  to  show  their  faces  at  Sofia, 
they  conceived  the  plan  of  striking  at  the  Government 
through  its  agents  abroad.  The  most  capable  man  of 
these,  who  unfortunately  for  himself  was  also  known  as 
one  of  Stambuloff's  most  trusty  lieutenants,  was  Dr. 
Vulkovitch,  the  Bulgarian  agent  at  Constantinople.  He 
was  a  man  of  great  intelligence,  a  true  patriot,  an  upright 
honourable  servant  of  the  State,  and  a  blameless  husband 
and  father.  Such  a  victim  was  just  the  one  to  please 
the  murder  party. 

Towards  the  close  of  1891,  the  Servian  authorities 
seized  in  the  Post-office  a  suspicious  letter,  and  forwarded 


BEL  TCHEFF  &-  VULKO  VITCH  MURDERS.        1 7 5 

it  to  Stambuloff.  It  was  found  to  be  addressed  from 
Odessa,  by  Nicola  Teufectchieff,  to  a  certain  Boni 
Georgieff.  It  was  written  in  a  very  complicated  cypher, 
over  which  Stambuloff  puzzled  in  vain  for  a  week.  He 
had  considerable  experience  of  these  codes,  and  he 
wished,  if  possible,  to  keep  the  contents  of  the  letter  to 
himself.  Failing,  however,  in  his  endeavours,  he  was 
obliged  to  call  in  a  telegraph-clerk  named  Tomoff,  who 
had  the  reputation  of  being  able  to  find  the  key  to  any 
cypher.  Stambuloff  locked  him  up  with  the  letter  for 
three  days,  at  the  end  of  which  time  he  had  succeeded 
in  writing  it  out  e7i  clair.  It  gave  the  details  of  a  plot  to 
assassinate  Doctor  Vulkovitch,  and  named  those  who  had 
undertaken  the  crime.  Stambuloff  at  once  sent  a  copy 
of  it  to  Constantinople,  and  begged  Vulkovitch  to  inform 
the  Turkish  authorities,  and  to  take  every  personal  pre- 
caution. The  Doctor  replied  that  it  was  useless  for  him 
to  try  and  safeguard  himself  from  such  men,  and  if  he 
was  to  be  assassinated  he  probably  would  be.  It  was  a 
question  of  fate  or  providence. 

Soon  after,  in  the  last  days  of  February,  1892,  as  he  was 
walking  home  he  was  attacked  from  behind,  and  fell  to  the 
ground  with  a  knife  between  his  shoulders,  another  victim 
to  the  pitiless  Committees.  This  abominable  act,  the 
unprovoked  murder  of  a  perfectly  innocent  and  harmless 
Government  official,  merely  because  he  was  one,  revolted 
the  whole  nation,  and  anything  to  do  with  Russophilism 
or  Slav  Committees  was  held  in  abhorrence  until  the  day 
when  Stambuloff  fell,  and  the  whole  crew  whom  he  had 
hunted  out  swooped  down  once  more  upon  Bulgaria — 
conspirators  and  assassins,  branded  and  confessed. 


176  M.   STAMBULOFF 

In  the  trial,  which  took  place  at  Constantinople,  it 
was  shown  that  the  plot  was  organised  by  Naoum 
Teufectchieff,  and  carried  out  by  him  with  his  brother 
Nicola,  with  Shishmanoff,  an  employe  in  the  Russian 
P.O.  at  Constantinople,  and  with  a  politician  concerned 
in  the  kidnapping  of  Prince  Alexander,  who  occupies 
at  the  present  moment  an  important  position  in  the 
Sofia  Cabinet. 

The  years  1891  and  1892  were  principally  marked  by 
these  two  hideous  murders,  which  only  served  the  con- 
trary purpose  to  that  at  which  they  aimed,  by  alienating 
the  sympathies  of  Bulgaria  from  their  instigators,  and 
by  rallying  all  that  was  best  in  Bulgaria  round  Stambuloff, 
whose  authority  was  growing  more  and  more  firm  and 
wide-reaching.  The  Prince,  it  was  true,  felt  that  he 
was  kept  rather  too  much  in  the  background  after  three 
years'  reign,  and  was  beginning  to  chafe  under  the 
dictatorial  rule  of  his  Premier,  who  acted  as  if  he  alone 
governed  the  country.  In  the  commencement,  His 
Highness  was  content  to  let  it  be  so ;  but  he  con- 
sidered that  he  had  by  this  time  acquired  sufficient 
experience  to  warrant  his  having  a  voice  in  the  direction 
of  affairs,  and  from  time  to  time  he  kicked  somewhat 
against  the  pricks.  On  the  whole,  though,  they  were 
still  on  fairly  good  terms ;  and  as  Prince  Ferdinand  was 
now  thinking  more  of  his  marriage  than  anything  else ; 
and  as  on  this  subject  he  and  Stambuloff  were  at  one, 
and  he  relied  upon  Stambuloff's  power  to  effect  the 
change  in  the  Constitution,  they  continued  to  work  in 
harmony. 

In  the  summer  of  1892  the  Prince  went  to  Europe 


BEL  TCHEFF  &-  VULKO  VITCH  MURDERS.        177' 

for  his  wooing,  and  left  Stambuloff,  as  usual,  Regent. 
In  order  to  repose  himself,  the  Premier  removed  to 
Varna  to  pass  a  month  or  two  there ;  and  in  August 
he  received  a  letter  from  M.  Dimitroff,  who  had  replaced 
Dr.  Vulkovitch,  that  he  was  charged  to  say  that  His 
Imperial  Majesty  the  Sultan,  hearing  that  Stambuloff 
was  in  want  of  a  change  of  air,  would  be  pleased  to 
see  him,  should  he  go  to  Constantinople.  This  invitation 
chimed  in  with  a  long-standing  and  dearly -cherished 
wish ;  and  as  soon  as  the  Prince  returned,  Stambuloff 
chartered  the  Austrian-Lloyd  steamer,  the  Aglae,  and 
started  without  the  knowledge  of  anybody  in  Bulgaria 
except  His  Highness. 

He  arrived  on  Wednesday,  and  was  at  once  handsomely 
received  by  the  Grand  Vizier,  Djevad  Pasha. 

He  went  to  stay  at  the  house  of  M.  Dimitroff,  at 
Buyukdereh,  on  the  Bosphorus,  close  to  the  Russian 
Embassy.  The  prospect  of  his  being  received  by  the 
Sultan  was  eminently  distasteful  to  Russia,  who  tried 
every  means  to  prevent  it.  M.  Nelidoff  was  absent  from 
Constantinople,  and  therefore  she  applied  to  the  French 
Embassy  for  support.  On  the  appointed  Friday,  Stam- 
buloff attended  the  Selamlik ;  and  whilst  waiting  in  the 
ante-chamber  M.  Cambon  arrived,  and  asking  for  an 
audience,  remained  for  two  hours  vainly  endeavouring 
to  prevail  upon  His  Majesty  to  alter  his  decision.  What 
curious  reflections  must  have  passed  through  Stambuloff's 
mind  during  this  delay !  He  could  remember  his  first 
two  visits  to  the  Ottoman  capital,  fifteen  years  before, 
when  he  came  as  an  outlaw  and  conspirator  against 
Turkey,  whom  he  then  considered  as  his  bitterest  foe. 

M 


178  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

He  was  patronised  by  the  cavass,  or  doorkeeper  of  the 
Russian  Embassy,  and  it  was  with  a  Russian  passport 
that  he  left.  Now  he  was  received  with  honour  as  the 
head  of  a  friendly  vassal  State,  and  the  Embassies  of 
Russia  and  France  together  were  powerless  to  keep  him 
from  the  presence  of  his  Suzerain.  It  was,  indeed,  a 
change  of  which  he  might  be  proud.  When  the  French 
Ambassador,  baffled  in  his  quest,  withdrew,  Stambuloff 
was  ushered  in.  Though  he  speaks  Turkish  fluently, 
he  availed  himself  of  the  interpreter,  in  order  to  give 
himself  time  to  consider  the  Sultan's  remarks  and  his 
own  answers.  The  interview  was  a  long  and  cordial 
one,  and  in  its  course  Stambuloff  assured  His  Majesty 
of  the  sincere  and  loyal  wish  of  Bulgaria  to  preserve 
the  most  friendly  relations  with  Turkey,  and  emphasized 
the  necessity  of  such  relations  for  their  mutual  self- 
defence.  At  its  close  the  Sultan  expressed  his  great 
satisfaction  at  having  seen  the  Bulgarian  statesman,  and 
regretted  that,  under  the  existing  political  circumstances, 
it  was  impossible  to  bestow  an  order  upon  him.  He 
presented  him,  however,  with  a  gold  fabatiere,  set  in 
diamonds,  and  named  a  Lieutenant  -  Colonel  of  the 
Household  to  act  as  aide-de-camp  in  attendance,  putting 
also  a  steam  launch,  and  carriages  and  horses  at  his 
disposal,  and  altogether  treating  him  as  a  highly  distin- 
guished guest.  Being  in  Constantinople,  Stambuloff 
took  the  opportunity  of  calling  upon  the  Exarch,  whom 
he  had  not  seen  since  1881.  These  two  enlightened 
patriots,  who,  however  they  might  differ — and  they  differed 
much,  in  various  details  and  points  of  view — were  agreed 
in   their  striving   after   the  weal    of  their  country,   were 


PRINCESS   FERDINAND. 


BELTCHEFF  &-  VULKOVITCH  MURDERS.        179 

not  long  in  coming  to  a  complete  understanding,  both 
on  the  impending  change  of  Article  38  of  the  Con- 
stitution, and  on  the  general  policy  advocated  by 
Stambuloff.  On  the  whole  he  had  every  reason  to  be 
pleased  with  his  visit,  and  he  carried  away  with  him 
the  conviction  that  Bulgaria  had  now  a  firm  friend  in 
the  Sultan,  a  conviction  first  acquired  during  his  audience, 
and  afterwards  confirmed  by  subsequent  conversations 
with  the  Grand  Vizier  and  Turkish  Ministers. 

He  returned  by  rail,  after  keeping  the  Aglae  waiting 
till  the  last  moment,  in  order  to  put  any  possible  con- 
spirators off  the  scent,  in  case  they  might  plot  some  fresh 
attempt  upon  him. 

In  March,  1893,  the  betrothal  of  Prince  Ferdinand  to 
Princess  Marie  Louise  of  Parma  was  announced,  and 
Stambuloff  went  with  the  Prince  to  fetch  back  the  new 
Bulgarian  Princess.  M.  Givkoff  was  left,  this  time,  as 
Regent.  The  fact  of  the  Prince  and  his  powerful 
Minister  daring  to  leave  Bulgaria  together,  created  some 
astonishment  and  much  comment  in  Europe,  but  they  felt 
that  the  era  of  conspiracy  was  past,  and  that  the  Panslavist 
snake  was  too  severely  scotched  to  be  feared.  At  A-'ienna, 
Stambuloff  was  received  both  by  the  Emperor  and  Count 
Kalnoky.  Europe  had  heard  so  much  of  the  man,  that 
all  were  anxious  to  see  and  hear  him.  He  told  me  after- 
wards that  he  had  been  much  struck  by  the  very  intimate 
knowledge  of  all  that  had  passed  in  Bulgaria,  and  the 
accurate  estimate  of  the  situation  possessed  by  both  the 
Emperor  and  his  Minister.  He  talked  long  with  Count 
Kalnoky,  especially  as  regarded  the  future,  and  the  possi- 
bility  of   a   recognition    of   the  Prince,   and  the  Count 


i8o  M.    STAMBULOFF. 

seemed  to  approve  the  policy  adopted  since  the  Regency. 
With  the  Emperor  Franz  Joseph  Stambuloff  remained 
more  than  an  hour,  but  the  subject  of  their  conversation 
did  not  transpire.* 

From  Vienna  the  Bulgarian  Court  moved  on  to 
Pianove,  where  the  marriage  was  celebrated,  and 
Stambuloff  preceded  the  Royal  pair  to  their  new  home, 
in  order  to  prepare  the  elections  for  the  Grand  Assembly, 
which  was  to  change  the  Constitution  by  permitting  the 
baptism  of  the  Prince's  issue  in  the  Catholic  faith.  He 
may  be  considered,  at  this  time,  as  being  at  the  zenith  of 
his  power  and  popularity.  The  Assembly  met  and  passed 
the  proposed  alteration  in  Article  38,  and  the  Prince  and 
his  bride  landed  at  Sistoff.  They  were  greeted  with 
joyful  enthusiasm  by  all  classes,  and  the  future  looked 
brighter  than  it  had  ever  done  before  in  the  history  of 
Bulgaria. 

Stambuloff  seized  this  opportunity  of  offering  his 
resignation  to  the  Prince.  He  supported  his  request  to 
be  relieved  of  office  by  saying  that  with  the  celebration 
of  the  marriage,  and  the  change  in  the  Constitution, 
he  had  rendered  his  best  services  to  His  Highness  and 
the  country,  and  had  earned  a  rest.  Prince  Ferdinand, 
however,  cordially  begged  him  not  to  spoil  his  honey- 
moon by  deserting  his  post  at  such  a  moment,  and 
Stambuloff  gave  in.  It  was  a  decided  mistake.  Had  he 
remained  firm,  the  Prince  would  have  been  compelled  to 
choose  a  successor  from  the  Opposition,  and  the  contrast 

*  Amongst  other  questions  put  by  the  Emperor  was  a  query  as  to 
whether  Stambuloff  fancied  his  policy  was  based  upon  solid  founda- 
tions. "Sire,"  was  the  answer,  "if  ZankofiT  himself  were  now  to 
take  my  place,  he  would  have  to  follow  my  line," 


BEL  TCHEFF  is-  VULKO  VI TCH  MURDERS.        1 8 1 

would  have  been  so  marked,  that  Stambuloff  would 
have  returned  later  to  office,  refreshed  by  repose,  and 
with  all  his  old  popularity  still  about  him.  The  com- 
mands of  the  Prince  were,  nevertheless,  so  kindly  and 
genially  put,  that  he  sacrificed  himself  once  more  for  his 
master. 

After  the  closure  of  the  Grand  Assembly  came  the 
elections  for  the  Legislative  Chamber.  Wishing  to  see 
the  real  measure  of  his  popularity,  Stambuloff  gave 
orders  to  all  his  party  to  abstain  from  using  the  slightest 
pressure,  and  to  allow  the  elections  to  be  absolutely  free. 
As  I  have  said  previously,  such  a  thing  as  really  free 
elections  are  impossible  in  Bulgaria,  but  little  or  no 
Government  coercion  was  used  on  this  occasion.  The 
result  was,  that  out  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  Deputies, 
only  fifteen  or  sixteen  of  the  Opposition  were  elected, 
and  it  was  evident  that  he  had  the  whole  of  Bulgaria  at 
his  back. 

Proud  of  this  proof  of  the  confidence  of  the  nation, 
Stambuloff  telegraphed,  on  Sunday,  to  the  Prince  to 
inform  him  of  his  victory.  It  was  not  till  the  following 
Friday  that  he  received  a  very  cold  telegram  of  con- 
gratulation in  reply.  This  delay,  and  the  tone  of  the 
the  answer,  made  Stambuloff  reflect,  and  prepare  for 
combat. 

On  the  27th  October,  the  Legislative  Chamber  was 
convoked,  and  he  resolved  to  complete  his  thankless 
work  for  the  Dynasty  by  raising  the  Prince's  Civil  List 
from  600,000  to  one  million  francs  per  annum.  This  he 
did  because  he  knew  how  marriage  increased  domestic 
expenses,  having  lately  married,  himself,   on   29th  May, 


1 82  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

1888;  but  his  action  was  sharply  criticised  by  many  of 
his  party,  and  it  was  still  one  more  shred  of  his  own  coat 
that  he  gave  to  cover  the  Prince. 

The  Opposition  were  already  aware  of  the  tension 
which  had  sprung  up  between  the  Palace  and  the 
Premier,  and  their  hopes  revived.  Seeing  that  they 
could  do  nothing  separately,  all  the  hostile  elements 
coalesced,  and  founded  a  paper  called  the  Svobodno  Slovo, 
which  was  daily  filled  with  virulent  attacks  against 
Stambuloff.  It  furthermore  pretended  that  it  had  the 
support  of  the  Palace,  but  this  Stambuloff  did  not  at  first 
credit,  though  later  on  he  was  forced  to  admit  its  proba- 
bility. The  United  Opposition  was  headed  by  four  of 
Stambuloff's  ex-Ministers — Stoiloff,  Natchevitch,  Stransky, 
and  Radoslavoff — together  with  Colonel  Petroff,  Chief  of 
the  Staff,  and  the  Prince's  favourite. 

Not  being  able  to  strike  the  Government  through  the 
people,  they  contrived  to  reach  the  ear  of  the  Prince 
through  Colonel  Petroff  and  Doctor  Stantcheff,  His 
Highness's  Secretary,  and  there  was  no  longer  any  secret 
of  the  ill-will  which  had  grown  up  between  Prince 
Ferdinand  and  Stambuloff. 

It  is  by  no  means  easy  to  disentangle  the  various 
motives  of  the  quarrel,  which  was  scarcely  more  reput- 
able to  one  side  than  to  the  other.  It  is  certain  that 
Prince  Ferdinand  had,  for  long,  been  impatiently  chafing 
under  the  tutelage  of  his  headstrong  Premier.  He  feared 
him,  however,  too  much  to  venture  on  a  duel  before  his 
marriage.  By  that  act,  though,  he  felt  himself  much 
strengthened,  and  by  the  birth  of  an  heir,  the  infant 
Prince  Boris,  on  the  30th  January,  1894,  far  more  so  still. 


BEL  TCHEFF  &-  VULKO  VI TCH  MURDERS.        1 83 

Had  it  not  been  for  the  illness  of  the  Princess  after  her 
accouche/nent,  which  compelled  the  Prince  to  take  her 
abroad,  there  can  be  little  doubt  but  that  Stambuloff 
would  have  been  immediately  dismissed  after  that  happy 
event,  and  the  country  and  the  Prince  would  have  been 
saved  from  the  subsequent  scandals.  The  Prince,  him- 
self, was  frequently  provoked,  almost  past  endurance,  by 
the  rough  and  insulting  tone  of  Stambuloff;  and  he  was 
surrounded  by  a  crowd  of  hungry  aspirants  for  Govern- 
ment posts,  who  adroitly  played  upon  his  amour  propre, 
and  were  never  tired  of  exhorting  him  to  throw  off  the 
yoke  of  Stambuloff,  and  take  up  his  own  sceptre.  Such 
counsels  flattered  his  vanity  and  touched  his  pride,  and 
culminated,  finally,  in  the  fall  of  the  Premier.  In  tracing 
the  quarrel  through  its  stages,  I  shall  abstain  from  com- 
ment, and  leave  the  reader  to  form  his  own  judgment  on 
incidents  which  can  only  be  sincerely  regretted,  for  the 
sake  of  all  parties. 

The  following  characteristic  anecdotes  will,  perhaps, 
serve  better  than  any  "  appreciations "  to  illustrate  the 
manner  in  which  the  quarrel  was  conducted. 

Stambuloff  was  in  the  habit  of  going  to  the  Palace  to 
hand  in  his  report  to  the  Prince  on  public  affairs  once  or 
twice  a  week,  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning.  He  received 
information,  from  one  of  the  officers  implicated,  that 
Colonel  Petroff  had  arranged,  with  a  dozen  of  his  com- 
rades, that  the  Prince,  instead  of  receiving  Stambuloff  in 
the  morning,  as  usual,  should,  under  some  pretext,  com- 
mand him  to  present  himself  in  the  evening,  and  keep 
him  there  till  nine  o'clock.  The  Prince  was  then  to 
ask  him  to  sign  his  resignation,  and  if  he  refused,  Colonel 


1 84  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

Petroff  and  his  officers  were  to  come  in  and,  at  the  point 
of  the  sword  and  the  muzzle  of  the  revolver,  to  compel 
him.  Word  was  to  be  sent  to  Madame  Stambuloff  that 
the  Prince  had  kept  Stambuloff  to  dinner,  and,  before 
morning,  a  new  Ministry  was  to  be  formed,  and  the 
resignation  of  Stambuloff  announced.  The  repentant 
conspirator  entreated  him  on  no  account  to  go  to  the 
Palace  in  the  evening,  but  Stambuloff  reassured  him,  and 
told  him  to  continue  to  pretend  that  he  was  with  the 
Petroff  party,  and  play  out  the  game.  He,  however,  went 
to  several  of  the  Diplomatic  Agents,  and  informed  them 
of  the  plot,  so  that  they  might  know  what  had  happened, 
should  it  succeed  in  part. 

Surely  enough,  the  following  week  the  Prince  sum- 
moned him  for  the  evening.  He  went,  but  only  stayed 
two  hours,  declining  to  wait  longer.  A  second  time  the 
same  order  came,  and  the  same  farce  was  gone  through. 
On  the  third  occasion  Stambuloff  sent  word  that  he  was 
ill,  and  could  not  come;  and  likewise  on  the  fouith. 
Finally,  however,  he  thought  it  was  time  to  put  an  end 
to  such  summonses,  and  went  after  his  dinner.  Upon 
entering  the  Prince  embraced  him  affectionately,  kissing 
him  on  both  cheeks,  and  inquired  after  his  health.  After 
an  hour  or  two  spent  in  discussing  current  business, 
Stambuloff,  fixing  his  terrible  eye  upon  his  master,  said  : 
"Your  Highness,  I  hear  strange  rumours  in  the  town. 
They  say  that  I  am  to  be  asked  to  report  at  night,  as  I 
have  been  asked  five  times,  and  that  Your  Highness,  one 
evening,  is  to  keep  me  late,  sending  word  to  my  wife,  to 
quiet  any  uneasiness  she  may  and  would  feel.  Then  you 
are  to  ask  me  for  my  resignation,  and  if  I  do  not  sign  it, 


BELTCHEFF  &'  VULKOVITCH  MURDERS.        185 

Petroff  and  So-and-So  and  So-and-So "  —  mentioning 
several  names  of  those  in  the  secret — "are  to  come  in 
armed,  and  force  me." 

The  Prince  burst  into  a  torrent  of  denials  that  if  any 
such  villainous  scheme  existed  he  was  no  party  to  it,  but 
Stambuloff,  with  a  deprecating  gesture,  drew  out  a  sheet 
of  paper  from  his  breast  pocket,  and  went  on — 

"  Your  Highness  has  not  learnt  in  seven  years  to  know 
me  if  you  think  I  could  be  forced  into  signing  anything. 
You  might  cut  off  my  hands  and  feet,  but  you  could 
never  compel  me  to  do  what  I  do  now  voluntarily,  and  of 
my  own  free  will.  Here  is  my  resignation,  signed  and 
undated.  Take  it,  and  keep  it  by  you,  if  you  think  it  will 
help  you.  From  this  moment  I  am  no  longer  your 
Minister,  and  I  warn  you.  Sire,  that  if  you  treat  your  new 
one  as  you  have  treated  me,  your  throne  is  not  worth  a 
louis." 

Prince  Ferdinand  wished  to  continue  his  protest,  but 
Stambuloff  saluted  him  and  walked  out.  No  further 
notice  was  ever  taken  of  this  incident,  which,  however, 
can  scarcely  have  improved  the  mutual  feelings  of  the 
two  adversaries,  for  such  they  now  were. 

On  another  occasion  the  Prince  drove  up  in  his 
carriage  to  Stambuloff's  house,  in  the  evening,  in  a  state 
of  considerable  agitation.  Stambuloff  was  surprised  at 
this  unusual  visit,  and  fearing  something  very  serious  had 
occurred,  begged  his  Highness  to  enlighten  him.  It  then 
appeared  that  the  Prince  had  been  driving  out  in  a  closed 
coupe  along  the  Orkhanieh  Road,  when  he  met  two 
officers  on  horseback,  Majors  Popoff  and  Paprikoff. 
They   gave    the    customary   salute,    but   after    they    had 


1 86  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

passed,  the  Prince  lifted  up  the  Uttle  blind  in  the  back 
of  his  carriage,  and  noticed  that  Popoff  after  saluting 
made  the  insulting  Russian  gesture  of  spitting  back  after 
the  coupe.  Prince  Ferdinand  was  furious  at  this  in- 
solence, and  came  to  ask  Stambuloff  how  he  would 
advise  him  to  punish  the  culprit.  Undoubtedly,  the 
wisest  course  would  have  been  to  take  no  notice  of 
conduct  which  had  been  discovered  in  this  wise,  but  the 
Prince  insisted  on  giving  Major  Popoff  a  lesson. 

"Very  well.  Your  Highness,"  said  Stambuloff.  "You 
will  go  back  to  the  Palace  and  summon  Popoff,  who  is  in 
charge  of  Ordnance  Stores.  Under  pretence  of  requiring 
information  upon  certain  details,  you  will  keep  him  for 
two  hours  answering  you." 

"And  what  then?" 

"  Nothing  more,  Your  Highness." 

"What!  no  punishment?" 

"That  is  all,  Sire!" 

The  Prince  did  as  he  was  advised.  Major  Popoff, 
conscious  of  his  offence,  and  fancying  it  had  been 
noticed,  was  in  a  white  terror  for  two  long  hours  under 
the  merciless  cross-questioning  of  the  Prince,  but 
when  he  was  dismissed  without  reprimand  he  could  not 
quite  understand  it.  He  went  to  Stambuloff,  and  told 
him  the  whole  story  over  again,  expressing  his  astonish- 
ment at  the  Prince's  sudden  thirst  for  information,  and 
saying  what  a  fright  he  had  been  kept  in  during  the 
interrogatory. 

Stambuloff  did  not  enlighten  him,  but  the  next  time 
he  saw  the  Prince,  he  reported  that  the  punishment  had 
been  equal  to  the  offence. 


BELTCHEFF  &-  VULKOVITCH  MURDERS.        187 

One  more  instance  of  Stambuloff's  methods  before 
resuming  the  story. 

The  President  of  the  Chamber  was  M.  Petkoff, 
formerly  Mayor  of  Sofia.  He  was  a  man  of  somewhat 
blunt  manner  and  rough  exterior,  and  the  Prince  had 
for  long  treated  him  with  scant  courtesy.  Suddenly, 
however,  a  change  came  over  his  manner,  and  he  began 
to  take  a  great  deal  of  pains  to  show  civilities  to  the 
President. 

One  day  he  called  him  to  the  Palace,  and  took  him  to 
the  Red  Saloon.  Here  he  ostentatiously  closed  the 
doors,  and  button-holing  his  visitor,  spoke  as  follows  : 
"  Here  am  I,  Prince  Ferdinand  of  Cobourg,  and  here 
are  you,  Petkoff,  President  of  the  Bulgarian  Chamber. 
Above  us  is  Almighty  God,  and  round  us  are  the  four 
walls.  What  I  am  about  to  say  to  you  now  must  go  no 
further."  He  then  began  urging  Petkoff  to  raise  a 
party  in  the  Chamber  to  get  rid  of  Stambuloff,  who  was 
ruining  the  country,  and  who  was  the  chief  stumbUng- 
block  in  the  way  of  a  reconciliation  with  Russia.  Petkoff 
was  much  embarrassed  at  this  most  unexpected  proposal, 
but  replied  that  in  the  first  place  Stambuloff  was  his 
oldest  and  best-tried  friend,  to  whom  he  owed  everything, 
and  that  it  would  be  most  dishonest  of  him  to  head  a 
faction  against  his  Chief;  and  secondly,  that  any  such 
attempt  was  predestined  to  failure,  for  Stambuloff  was 
too  strong,  and  anybody  who  tried  to  resist  him  would 
only  be  annihilated.  Prince  Ferdinand  was  naturally 
vexed  at  this  rebuff,  and  entreated  Petkoff  to  say  nothing 
about  it,  but,  as  a  matter  of  course,  the  first  thing  he  did 
was  to  repeat  the  whole  of  the  interview  to  Stambuloff. 


1 88  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

Shortly  after  this,  Stantcheff  spoke  to  Petkoff  in  the 
same  sense,  and  was  met  with  the  same  answer.  Stantcheff 
then  fell  ill  with  typhus  fever,  and  was  in  some  considerable 
danger  on  the  day  when  Stambuloff  went  to  the  Palace  to 
make  his  report.  He  found  Prince  Ferdinand  much 
distressed,  pacing  up  and  down  the  room,  and  exclaiming 
that  his  poor  Stantcheff  was  dying.  This  gave  Stambuloff 
his  opportunity. 

"  No,  sire,  he  will  not  die  ;  and  I  pray  God  he  may  not, 
as  I  have  an  account  to  settle  with  him." 

"An  account  to  settle  with  Stantcheff!"  rejoined  the 
Prince,  in  surprise.  "  What  can  you  have  against  him  ; 
such  a  good,  nice  fellow  ! " 

Then  Stambuloff  began — 

"This,  sire — he  makes  unwarranted  and  shameful  use 
of  Your  Highness's  name.  Imagine,  you,  who  are  the 
essence  of  chivalry  and  the  soul  of  honour,  and  who 
deign  to  trust  me  as  your  second  self,  that  not  long  ago 
this  Stantcheff,  whom  you  also  trust,  called  my  best 
friend,  Petkoff,  to  him." 

Here  he  paused,  and  the  Prince  grew  uneasy.  He 
went  on — 

"Stantcheff  took  Petkoff  up  to  the  Red  Saloon,  and 
used  these  words  :  '  Here  am  I,  Stantcheff,  and  here  are 
you,  Petkoff;  above  us  is  Almighty  God,  and  round  us 
are  these  four  walls.'  He  then  proceeded,  in  Your 
Highness's  name,  to  make  the  basest  and  most  infamous 
proposal  to  Petkoff  to  forswear  his  allegiance  to  me  and 
to  play  the  traitor  to  his  Chief." 

The  Prince  protested  that  it  was  impossible,  and 
Stambuloff  having  enjoyed  his    scene,   smiled  ironically 


BELTCHEFF  £-  VULKOVITCH  MURDERS.        189 

and  said  that  all  things  were  possible,  and  changed  the 
conversation. 

It  can  easily  be  understood  that  skirmishes  like  these 
were  not  calculated  to  heal  the  breach.  Stambuloff 
plainly  saw  that  the  Prince  would  stick  at  nothing  to 
cause  his  ignominious  downfall,  and  the  Prince  was 
provoked  at  the  surety  with  which  his  plans  were  dis- 
covered, and  the  insolent  contempt  with  which  they  were 
treated.  The  end  could  scarcely  be  far  off  when  such 
a  point  had  been  reached. 


CHAPTER   X. 

THE   FALL   OF   STAMBULOFF. 

Appointment  of  Savoff  Minister  of  War — His  conjugal  griefs — He 
accuses  Slavkoff — Stambuloff  obtains  an  Trade  for  Macedonian 
Bishops — Popular  delight  at  this  victory — Stambuloff  resigns  again 
— The  Prince  refuses  to  accept — The  challenge  from  Savoff — The 
protocol  of  the  seconds — Savoff's  letter  to  the  Prince— "The  act 
of  a  churl" — Stambuloff  sends  his  resignation  by  letter  to  the 
Prince — National  demonstrations  against  his  leaving  office — The 
mob  assisted  by  the  soldiers — The  Princely  Rescript — Stambuloff 
goes  to  the  Palace — The  rabble  spit  upon  him — Stambuloff's  house 
in  a  state  of  siege — The  interview  in  the  Fraiikfurtct-  Zeitiing — 
Stambuloff's  great  mistake.  ~^ 

TO  resume  the  thread  of  our  story.  We  left  the 
Opposition  striving  to  undermine  Stambuloff's  posi- 
tion with  the  help  of  the  Palace,  as  represented  chiefly 
by  Colonel  Petroff.  This  officer  was  an  ambitious  and 
energetic  Chief  of  the  Staff,  who  aimed  at  becoming 
what  he  now  is — Minister  of  War.  He  had  been  a 
favourite  of  Prince  Alexander,  and  was  now  in  great 
favour  with  Prince  Ferdinand.  When  Colonel  Mutkuroff 
died,  the  candidature  of  Colonel  Petroff  was  put  forward 
for  the  Ministry,  and  warmly  supported  by  the  Prince, 
but  Stambuloff  refused  to  accept  it,  and  appointed  Major 
Savoff,  a  man  of  brilliant  organising  powers,  and  who 
kept  aloof  from  politics.     Prince   Alexander  had  always 

190 


THE  FALL   OF  6TAMBUL0FF.  191 

tried  to  make  the  Minister  of  War  a  sort  of  Head  Clerk, 
or  Intendant,  reserving  to  himself  the  real  power  for 
promotions  and  appointments.  A  tendency  in  this 
direction  was  now  showing  itself  in  Prince  Ferdinand, 
and  as  Stambuloff  disapproved  of  it  entirely,  he  and 
Savoff  drew  up  a  law  for  the  re-organisation  of  the  army 
on  constitutional  bases,  and  managed  to  carry  it,  in  spite 
of  the  most  active  opposition  from  the  Palace  party. 
During  the  course  of  this  campaign  the  Prince  openly 
demanded  Savoff's  dismissal,  and  Stambuloff,  no  less  than 
three  times,  was  forced  to  play  the  trump  card,  which  so 
often  succeeded,  of  offering  his  own  resignation  if  his 
Minister  was  taken  from  him. 

Major  Savoff  was  married  to  a  niece  of  M.  Gueshoff, 
and  he  was  savagely  jealous  about  her.  The  menage  was  a 
most  unhappy  one,  and  the  husband  would  generally 
lock  up  his  wife  when  away  from  home.  In  1893  the 
Petroff  party,  who  wished  to  get  rid  of  Savoff  by 
making  him  the  object  of  some  glaring  scandal,  put  it 
into  his  head  that  M.  Slavkoff  was  his  wife's  lover. 
The  two  men  had  never  been  friends,  and  the  hint 
was  sufficient  to  set  the  morbid  jealousy  of  Savoff  in 
a  flame.  Blind  with  rage,  he  came  to  Stambuloff  to 
complain.  Stambuloff  replied  that,  though  Slavkoff  was 
no  saint,  he  was  perfectly  certain  that  in  this  instance 
he  was  entirely  innocent.  Savoff,  however,  swore  that 
his  information  was  sure,  and  gave  various  details,  into 
which,  in  order  to  calm  him,  Stambuloff  promised  to 
enquire.  The  secret  police  soon  revealed  the  fact  that, 
however  flighty  the  lady  might  be,  there  was  no  ground 
for  suspicion   against  Slavkoff.      Stambuloff  told  this  to 


192  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

Savoff,  who,  nevertheless,  doggedly  adhered  to  his  belief, 
and  declared  that  he  would  no  longer  sit  in  the  same 
Ministry  with  Slavkoff,  and  that  Stambuloff  must  choose 
between  them. 

The  Premier  retorted  that  for  such  a  reason  he  would 
not  throw  over  either  one  or  the  other,  and  Savoff  went 
away  furious.  In  fact,  he  now  cast  himself  into  the  arms 
of  the  Opposition,  which  thus  gained  its  point.  In  April, 
1894,  Stantcheff  left  Sofia  to  visit  the  Prince  at  Ebenthal, 
and  Savoff  commissioned  him  to  ask  His  Highness' 
approval  of  a  duel  between  him  and  Slavkoff.  When 
Stambuloff  heard  of  this  he  was  very  angry,  called  him 
up,  and  told  him  such  scandals  were  altogether  contrary 
to  the  habits  and  customs  of  Bulgaria,  that  they  could 
only  reflect  the  greatest  discredit  upon  the  name  of 
Minister  and  on  the  Cabinet,  and  that  as  it  had  already 
been  proved  that  Slavkoff  was  quite  innocent  of  any 
offence,  he  would  have  no  duel  fought.  Stantcheff  then 
returned  and  proposed  to  Savoff,  as  he  could  not  fight 
Slavkoff,  to  call  out  Stambuloff,  being  tolerably  certain 
that  the  fiery  temper  of  the  latter  would  not  resist  provo- 
cation, and  that  thus  two  birds  would  be  killed  with 
one  stone.  But  whilst  all  this  quarrelling  had  been 
going  on  amongst  the  Ministers  in  Sofia,  Stambuloff 
had  scored  a  great  diplomatic  triumph  at  Constantinople. 
Whilst  the  Prince  was  away,  he  approached  the  Sultan 
with  a  request  for  the  appointment  of  two  more  Bulgarian 
Bishops  in  Macedonia,  for  the  Bulgarian  schools  to  be 
placed  on  the  same  footing  as  those  of  Greece,  and 
for  the  formal  recognition  of  some  forty  Bulgarian  Com- 
munes.     His    Majesty   the   Sultan,   probably   under  the 


THE  FALL   OF  STAMBULOFF.  193 

favourable  impression  left  by  his  interview  with  Stambuloff, 
issued  an  Trade  granting  all  these  privileges,  the  news  of 
which  was  received  all  over  Bulgaria  with  national 
rejoicing. 

From  every  town  and  village  came  telegrams  and 
deputations  to  Stambuloff,  begging  him  to  transmit  to 
the  Sultan  the  thanks  of  Bulgaria  for  his  Imperial  favours, 
and  a  monster  meeting  was  held  in  Sofia,  culminating 
in  a  demonstration,  in  which  nearly  ten  thousand  took 
part,  in  front  of  his  house.  In  this  demonstration  all 
parties  took  a  share,  and  a  leading  Zankofifist,  M.  Make- 
donsky,  in  a  speech  which  lasted  for  an  hour,  expressed 
the  gratitude  of  the  nation,  and  especially  of  the  Mace- 
donian Bulgars,  to  Stambuloff,  for  the  success  he  had 
gained.  Stambuloff  appeared  at  the  window,  and  was 
greeted  with  tumultuous  cheers ;  and  nobody  who  saw 
the  reception  given  to  him,  could  have  guessed  how 
the  same  crowd  would  treat  him  in  a  few  short  weeks. 
This  meeting  passed  a  resolution  requesting  Stambuloff 
to  telegraph  their  gratitude  to  the  Sultan,  which  he 
immediately  did,  and  was  honoured  by  a  most  gracious 
reply  from  Yildiz  Kiosque.  This  direct  interchange  of 
telegrams  was  the  more  conspicuous,  since  the  Sultan 
had  never  yet  telegraphed  to  Prince  Ferdinand  in  answer 
to  the  various  messages  he  had  from  time  to  time 
despatched  to  Constantinople.  The  diplomatic  success 
Stambuloff  was  also  the  more  marked,  as  it  had  been 
won  by  himself,  without  the  support  of  any  foreign 
Ambassador;  and  the  Sultan,  by  granting  the  privileges 
asked  for  on  his  own  initiative,  proved  his  confidence 
in  the   good   faith   of  the   vassal    State.      The   mistrust 

N 


194  M.   STAMBULnPF. 

which  had  ahvays  existed  seemed  to  have  disappeared, 
and  everything  augured  well  for  the  future  prosperity 
and  progress  of  the  Bulgarians  under  Turkish  rule.  The 
access  of  popularity  which  Stambuloff  secured  by  this 
move  was,  however,  far  from  pleasing  to  the  Palace, 
who  saw  that  it  would  make  his  ejection  from  office  more 
difficult,  and  the  Prince  was  especially  annoyed  that 
the  glory  of  it  should  all  have  been  taken  by  Stambuloff 
in  his  absence.* 

The  day  after  his  return,  on  the  26th  April,  Stambuloff 
called  on  the  Prince,  and  tendered  the  resignation  of 
the  whole  Cabinet.  A  resignation,  however,  just  after 
the  Macedonian  triumph,  would  have  done  Stambuloff 
no  harm,  and  the  Prince  refused  to  accept  it. 
Stambuloff  declared  that  the  Savoff  scandal  was  too 
disgraceful,  and  he  wished  to  be  relieved  of  any  con- 
nection with  it.  The  Prince  rejoined  that  the  best  thing 
to  do  would  be  to  turn  out  Savoff,  the  original  aim  and 
object  of  the  whole  intrigue  of  the  Palace  party  from  the 
first.  Stambuloff  was  not  inclined  to  do  this,  but  when 
he  reached  home  he  found,  to  his  astonishment,  a 
challenge    from    Savoff    for     himself.       This     was     too 


*  His  Highness  first  heard  of  the  Irade  at  Belgrade,  on  his  way 
Imck  to  Sofia.  When  he  arrived,  and  StambulofTmet  him,  the  Minister 
expected  to  be  congratulated  on  his  success,  but  the  Prince  talked  on 
indifferent  subjects.  At  last  he  said,  "You  have  not  thanked  me 
yet  for  the  present  I  sent  you  from  Vienna."  StamlDuloff  had 
received  no  present,  but  thinking  that  perhaps  the  Prince  had  sent 
him  a  snuff-box,  or  some  other  trifie,  which  had  miscarried,  he 
answered  that  he  begged  to  be  pardoned,  but  that  nothing  had 
reached  him.  "Eh?  And  your  Macedonian  Bishops?"  rejoined 
the  Prince.     Stambuloff  was  too  amused  to  be  angry  at  this  joke. 


THE  FALL   OF  STAMBULOFF.  195 

ridiculous,  but  his  adversaries  had  rightly  reckoned 
upon  his  mood,  and  he  accepted  immediately.  He 
named  as  his  seconds  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
M.  Grekoff  and  Colonel  Kutintcheff,  a  stern  soldier,  who 
had  presided  over  the  Panitza  Court-martial,  and  who 
had  an  unsullied  reputation.  Major  Savoff  was  repre- 
sented by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Kovatcheff  and  Major 
Petronoff,  both  men  of  honour  and  unobjectionable. 
The  seconds  met  to  discuss  the  matter,  and  after  two 
hours'  deliberation,  drew  up  a  Protocol,  in  which  they 
declared,  that  as  the  accusation  brought  by  Savoff  was 
without  a  shadow  of  foundation,  there  were  no  grounds 
for  his  seeking  satisfaction  from  Stambuloff.  His  seconds, 
consequently,  returned  their  mandate  and  withdrew.  Here- 
upon Savoff  appointed  two  fresh  ones — ^M.  Radoslavoff 
and  Captain  Mitofif.  At  the  same  time  he  wrote  an 
abject  letter  to  Prince  Ferdinand,  begging  His  High- 
ness to  protect  him  and  his  little  child  from  the 
ferocious  Stambuloff.  The  Prince  forwarded  this  letter 
to  Stambuloff,  with  a  request  not  to  harm  Savoff. 
Meanwhile  Stambulofif's  seconds  declared  that,  though 
it  was  contrary  to  all  precedent  to  name  fresh  seconds 
after  the  incident  had  been  regularly  declared  closed 
by  a  Protocol,  yet  Stambuloff  was  ready  to  fight, 
if  any  honourable  and  impartial  men  decided  that  he 
owed  reparation  to  Savoff.  They  refused,  however,  to 
treat  with  such  notorious  personal  enemies  of  their 
principal  as  Radoslavoff  and  Mitoff  Directly  afterwards 
Savoff  sent  in  his  resignation,  and  asked  for  his  passport 
to  be  given  him  for  Vienna.  No  difficulties  were  placed 
in   his   way,  and   he   left.     The   foregoing  is  the  briefest 


196  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

possible  account  of  this  disgraceful  comedy,  which  led  to 
such  grave  consequences. 

On  Savoff's  resignation,  Stambuloff  again  insisted 
upon  his  own,  and  was  again  refused.  He  then 
wished  to  appoint  Colonel  Marinoff  as  Minister  of 
War,  but  Petroff  was  backed  by  the  Prince,  and 
having  got  rid  of  Savoff,  was  quite  determined  to 
take  his  place.  A  most  obstinate  struggle  now  began. 
The  Prince,  following  the  traditional  lead  in  such  cases, 
said  that  rather  than  have  Marinoff  as  Minister  of  War, 
he  would  abdicate,  and  Stambuloff  declared  that  as 
Petroff  was  his  sworn  enemy,  he  preferred  to  resign 
rather  than  have  him  in  the  Cabinet.  Neither  would 
give  way,  and  the  crisis  was  acute.  Finally  Petroff  said, 
that  if  he  took  the  portfolio,  he  would  promise  to  work 
honestly  and  loyally  with  Stambuloff.  A  Council  was 
held  at  Stambuloff's  house,  lasting  from  9  p.m.  to  5  a.m., 
and  he  let  himself  be  over-persuaded. 

The  next  day  Petroff  came  to  see  him,  and  repeated 
his  assurance— that  he  wished  to  let  bygones  be  bygones, 
and  to  act  in  harmony  with  the  Premier.  And  the  Prince 
had  the  great  satisfaction  of  signing  the  decree  appoint- 
ing his  favourite  Minister  of  War.  It  was  his  first 
victory  over  Stambuloff,  and  the  latter,  by  giving  in  to 
his  friends  instead  of  following  his  own  judgment  in 
refusing  to  admit  Petroff,  committed  a  great  error.  He 
probably  thought  that,  strong  in  the  Chamber,  and  with 
the  nation  behind  him,  he  would  soon  be  able  to  free 
himself  from  his  new  colleague,  but  he  had  omitted  the 
Prince  from  his  calculations.  He  had  so  long  been 
accustomed  to  overrule  Prince  Ferdinand,  that  he  hardly 


THE  FALL   OF  STAMBULOFF.  197 

realised  the  situation,  when  His  Highness  declined  to 
cede  any  longer.  In  dealing  with  his  fellow-countrymen 
as  adversaries,  Stambuloff  had  the  prestige  of  the  Prince 
and  the  Constitution  at  his  back.  In  fighting  the  Prince, 
though,  the  Constitution  was  on  the  other  side,  and  when 
once  PI  is  Highness,  by  the  threat  of  abdication,  had 
carried  his  point  and  found  his  strength,  he  was  not  the 
man  to  stop  there.  He  had  writhed  so  long  under  the 
galling  restraint  of  his  Premier,  that  he  was  impatient  to 
cast  it  off  and  be,  at  last.  Prince  of  Bulgaria,  in  fact  as 
well  as  in  name.  With  Petroff  in  the  Cabinet,  his  wedge 
was  planted  in  the  heart  of  the  oak.  There  was  an 
enemy  in  the  house,  and  one  who  was  fully  alive  to  the 
possibilities  of  the  situation. 

The  end  came  even  sooner  than  the  Opposition  had 
hoped.  Their  organs,  emboldened  by  the  presence  of 
Colonel  Petroff,  opened  fire  upon  Stambuloff  with  in- 
creased virulence,  and,  amongst  numberless  calumnies, 
insinuated  that  he  had  refused  to  fight  with  Savoff  out 
of  cowardice,  and  had  spirited  him  away  out  of  the 
country.  Stambuloff  was  able  to  turn  a  deaf,  con- 
temptuous ear  to  most  of  their  accusations,  but  an 
imputation  on  his  personal  courage,  which  really  re- 
quired less  rebuttal  than  any  other,  was  too  much  for 
him.  He  retorted  by  publishing,  in  the  Svododa,  the 
letter  Savoff  had  addressed  to  the  Prince,  clearly  show- 
ing that  if  either  party  had  been  afraid  it  was  not  he. 
When  the  Svoboda^  containing  this  letter,  appeared,  Stant- 
cheff  telegraphed  the  news  to  the  Prince,  who  was  then 
in  Vienna,  and  His  Highness  replied,  en  c/air,  that  if 
Stambuloff  had  done   this,  it  was  a  geineiiier  That — the 


198  M.    STAMBULOFF. 

action  of  a  churl,  and  that  Stantcheff  might  go  and  tell 
Stambuloff  so.  It  is  unnecessary  to  say  that  Stantcheff  care- 
fully avoided  going  near  the  irate  Premier,  who  had  had  a 
copy  of  the  telegram  sent  to  him  from  the  office  as  soon 
as  it  had  arrived.  After  reading  it,  he  sat  down  and  wrote 
a  long  letter  to  the  Prince.  He  began  by  recapitulating 
all  the  vial  entendus  which  had  taken  place,  the  perpetual 
scheming  to  get  rid  of  him  by  underhand  means,  whilst 
every  open  offer  of  his  resignation  was  politely  refused, 
and  the  encouragement  given  to  the  Opposition,  who 
never  ceased  boasting  that  they  had  the  Prince  on  their 
side.  It  was  perfectly  clear  that  all  confidence  between 
them  was  at  an  end,  and  that  therefore  he  was  determined 
irrevocably  to  retire  from  office.  Thereby  he  notified  his 
resignation  to  His  Highness,  and  he  expressed  a  hope 
that  he  would  find  a  Minister,  if  not  so  devoted  to  the 
country's  interest,  at  least  not  so  '^ ge/nein,^'  and  more 
courtly  and  refined,  to  whom  it  would  not  be  necessary  to 
send  insulting  telegrams  from  abroad.  He  concluded, 
threatening!)-,  that  the  Prince  should  not  play  with  fire,  by 
irritating  Ministers  who  had  almost  unlimited  command 
of  power,  as  sooner  or  later  it  would  cost  him  his 
throne. 

I  make  no  comment  on  this  letter,  or  on  the  events 
which  led  up  to  it,  leaving  the  public  to  apportion  the 
blame  attaching,  in  general  opinion  at  the  time,  to  both 
parties. 

This  letter  containing  Stambuloff's  resignation  was 
handed  to  the  Prince  at  Belgrade.  His  Highness 
arrived  at  Sofia,  with  the  Princess,  on  the  26th.  On  the 
pretext  of  illness,  Stambuloff  did  not  go,  as  on  previous. 


THE  FALL   OF  STAMBULOFF.  199 

occasions,  to  the  frontier  to  meet  the  Royal  train,  but 
remained  at  home,  Uke  Achilles,  in  his  tent.  The  day 
alter  his  reaching  the  capital,  the  Prince  wrote  to  Stam- 
buloff,  saying  that  he  had  received  his  letter,  and  that,  as 
he  was  ill,  he  would  talk  with  M.  Grekoff.  Stambuloff 
replied  that  His  Highness  could  do  exactly  as  he  pleased, 
since  he  was  no  longer  Prime  Minister.  The  Prince, 
nevertheless,  summoned  him  to  the  Palace,  and  from  four 
o'clock  till  eight  they  deliberated  upon  the  formation  of  a 
new  Cabinet.  The  first  idea  of  the  Prince  was  to  entrust 
its  formation  to  M.  Grekoff,  who  was  a  favourite  with  the 
Stambuloff  party,  and  popular  in  all  circles,  but  that 
Minister  declined,  under  the  circumstances,  to  take  the 
cloak  that  had  fallen  from  the  shoulders  of  his  Chief. 
Stambuloff  himself  advised  a  coalition  Cabinet,  under 
Stoiloff  and  Radoslavoff,  but  these  two  could  also  not 
agree  on  the  composition  of  a  working  Ministry,  and  a 
deadlock  was  the  result. 

Meanwhile,  the  news  of  Stambuloff's  resignation  had 
spread  all  over  Bulgaria,  and  the  Prince  received 
hundreds  of  telegrams,  regretting  that  matters  had 
reached  a  stage  forcing  him  to  part  with  his  Premier, 
and  begging  him  to  reconsider  the  situation.  A  very 
large  meeting  was  held  at  Sofia,  on  the  30th  May,  and 
after  they  had  passed  a  resolution,  in  a  similar  sense, 
they  adjourned  to  the  Palace,  where  a  Deputation,  con- 
sisting of  all  the  notables,  and  headed  by  M.  Blagoeff, 
the  Mayor  of  Sofia,  was  to  present  it  to  the  Prince.  His 
Highness,  however,  had  driven  out  that  morning  to  a 
grand  military  parade,  at  the  camp  of  Bali  Effendi,  on 
the  plain,  and  there  he  made  a  speech,  saying  that  he  was 


2CX3  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

abandoned  by  all  parties,  and  looked  to  the  Army  alone 
to  support  him  in  this  crisis. 

Meanwhile,  a  band  of  about  forty  cadets  from  the 
military  school,  which  has  acquired  a  sorry  reputation 
for  always  being  in  the  van  when  there  was  riot  in  the 
air,  sallied  forth,  and  commenced  picking  quarrels  with 
the  crowd  in  front  of  the  Palace.  Somebody  fired  three 
revolver  shots  in  the  air,  and  a  free  fight  ensued.* 

Panic  reigned  in  the  Palace,  where  it  was  imagined 
that  an  attempt  was  being  made  to  dethrone  the  Prince. 
The  telephone  was  set  going,  and  before  long  the  first 
regiment  of  cavalry  appeared  upon  the  scene  with  drawn 
sabres.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  personal  intervention 
of  Stambuloff,  there  would  probably  have  been  a  fight 
between  the  soldiers  and  the  police,  who  were  attacked 
by  them  in  defending  the  persons  and  property  of  the 
populace.  For  Captain  Morfoff  took  a  squadron  of 
cavalry,  formed  a  rabble -rout  of  cadets,  students,  and 
ragamufifins,  and  paraded  the  town,  shouting,  "Down  with 
Stambuloff ! "  entering  the  shops  and  the  cafe's,  tearing 
down  Stambuloff's  portrait,  looting,  and  behaving  in  the 
most  outrageous  manner,  whilst  their  action  was  covered 

*  M,  Blagoeff,  one  of  the  most  peaceable  of  men,  together  with 
M.  Stoyanoff,  head  of  the  Bureau  of  the  National  Assembly,  was 
afterwards  arrested,  and  charged  with  having  fired  upon  the  author- 
ities. He  was  liberated  on  the  enormous  (for  Bulgaria)  bail  of 
15,000  francs;  and  no  notice  was  taken  of  a  witness  who  came 
forward,  threw  a  revolver  down  before  the  Court,  and  said,  "It 
was  not  Blagoeff,  but  I  who  fired,  not  upon  the  authorities,  or  upon 
anybody  else,  but  in  the  air ;  and  here  is  the  revolver  with  which 
I  fired."  The  Court  did  not  arrest  this  man,  but  continued  to  try 
.Blagoeff,  who,  a  year  afterwards,  was  still  und^r  the  charge. 


THE  FALL   OF  STAMBULOFF.  201 

and  defended  against  the  police  by  the  cavalry.  Those 
who  resisted  were  arrested,  the  different  police  guard- 
houses were  seized  by  the  troops,  and  mob-law  reigned 
with  the  countenance  of  the  army.* 

Colonel  Petroff  had  now  come  in  from  the  camp, 
and  going  to  the  telegraph  station,  ordered  the  Divisional 
Commanders  all  over  Bulgaria  to  take  over  charge  from 
the  Prefects,  and  to  be  responsible  for  public  order. 
This  measure  was  dictated  from  the  fear  of  a  general 
rising  of  the  Stambulofifists,  and  was  absolutely  necessary. 

Amongst  other  acts  of  riot,  a  few  vagabonds,  on  the 
30th,  tore  down  the  metal  plaques  from  the  street  corners 
of  Stambuloff  and  Petkoff  Streets,  and  were  arrested  in 
consequence.  The  next  day,  on  the  31st,  a  mob  of 
about  fifteen  hundred  assembled  before  the  Uchastuk 
(guard-house)  where  they  were  confined,  and  demanded 
their  release.  Stambuloff,  who  still  retained  some  shreds 
of  his  authority  in  the  absence  of  anybody  else,  sent 
a  Prefect's  Adjutant,  named  Urdanoff,  with  twenty 
mounted  police,  to  disperse  them,  which  he  did  in 
less  than  five  minutes.  Half  an  hour  later,  though, 
the  mob  returned,  accompanied  by  half  a  battalion  of 
infantry. 

Urdanoff  asked  Stambuloff  what  he  was  to  do.  Sick 
at  heart,  he  replied  that  against  soldiers  wearing  the 
uniform  the  police  must  do  nothing,  and  the  prisoners 

*  Though  Stambuloff  had  handed  in  his  resignation  a  week  before, 
nobody  had  taken  his  place,  and  he  was  still  supposed  to  be  Minister 
up  to  the  i8th/30th  May  ;  but  after  this  disturbance,  he  declined 
absolutely  to  take  the  slightest  share  of  responsibility,  and  it  is 
generally  from  this  day  that  the  termination  of  his  long  and  eventful 
Ministry  is  dated. 


202  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

were  to  be  handed  over  to  them.  At  the  same  time 
he  wrote  to  the  Prince,  saying  that  the  existing  condition 
of  the  town  was  shameful,  and  entreating  him  to  form 
some  sort  of  a  Ministry ;  and  at  nine  o'clock,  on  the 
31st,  was  installed  the  Stoiloff  Cabinet,  nominally  Con- 
servative, but  really  relying  upon  a  coalition  to  support 
it.  It  consisted  of  M.  Stoiloff,  President  and  Home  Min- 
ister ;  Natchevitch,  Foreign  Affairs ;  Gueshoff,  Finance ; 
Velitchkoff,  Public  Instruction ;  Madjaroff,  Public  Works, 
and  Posts  and  Telegraphs ;  Petroff,  War ;  and  Minchie- 
vitch,  Petroff's  brother-in-law,  Justice.  All  of  these  are 
already  familiar  to  the  reader,  except  the  last.  Stoiloff 
and  Natchevitch  had  repeatedly  filled  public  offices 
before,  and  had  considerable  experience.  Gueshoff, 
Velitchkoff,  and  Madjaroff  are  rabid  Russophils,  having, 
at  various  periods  of  their  careers,  been  implicated  in 
rebellious  plots  against  Bulgaria.  And  Colonel  Petroff 
we  have  lately  seen  in  full  activity. 

On  the  3rd  June,  a  mob  assembled  in  front  of 
Stambuloff's  house,  and  he  telephoned  to  the  Palace  that 
if  they  attacked  him  he  should  fire  upon  them,  and  any 
bloodshed  would  be  upon  the  heads  of  the  authorities. 
A  few  da);3  later,  the  Prince  addressed  a  Rescript  to 
Stambuloff,  couched  in  the  most  glowing  terms,  thanking 
him  for  his  long  and  faithful  service,  for  all  the  un- 
swerving loyalty  and  devotion  he  had  shown  to  his  Prince 
and  his  country,  and  assuring  him  of  his  sincere  apprecia- 
tion and  gratitude.  Nothing  could  have  been  more 
flatteringly  expressed,  and  it  was  handed  to  him  by  the 
Aide-de-Camp,,  Major  Stoyanoff,  with  a  message  that  His 
Highness  would  prefer  that  no  letter  of  thanks  should  be 


THE   FALL    OF  STAMBULOFF.  203 

sent    in    acknowledgment,    but   that    Stambuloff    should 
come  himself  to  the  Palace  to  see  him. 

On  the  nth  June,  accordingly,  he  repaired  thither  at 
mid-day.  The  interview  lasted  nearly  two  hours,  during 
which  time  a  crowd  was  assembling  in  front  of  the  gates. 
Both  of  them  could  see  this  from  the  windows,  but 
neither  made  any  allusion  to  it,  and  they  parted  in  the 
most  friendly  manner.  When  he  went  out,  Stambuloff 
saw  a  rabble  nearly  one  thousand  strong,  but  composed 
mostly  of  youths  and  street  urchins.  Stantcheff  advised 
him  to  slip  away  by  a  back  door  in  the  garden,  but  he 
replied  that  he  would  go  out  by  the  same  door  by  which 
he  had  entered,  and  no  other.  Before  the  very  gates  was 
a  yelling,  seething  mass,  crying,  "  Down  with  Stambuloff ! 
Down  with  the  tyrant !  Down  with  the  usurper ! " 
Accompanied  only  by  his  faithful  Guntcho,*  Stambuloff 
w^alked  coolly  forth.  Some  of  the  ragged  crew  spit  upon 
him,  others  took  muddy  water  in  their  mouths  and 
sejuirted  it  at  him,  but  he  smiled  contemptuously  on  his 
ignoble  assailants,  and  now  and  again  acknowledged 
some  insult  by  a  bov/  and  a  sweep  of  his  hat.  Opposite 
the  public  library  a  man  leaped  out  with  a  knife,  but  in 
an  instant  (luntcho  had  covered  him  with  his  revolver, 
and  he  fell  back.      When  he  finally  reached  his  home  he 

*  Guntcho  is  a  familiar  figure  to  everybody  in  Bulgaria,  for  he 
follows  his  master  like  a  shadow.  He  is  a  short,  thick-set  fellow, 
with  a  dark,  full  beard.  He  comes  from  the  village  of  Medveneh, 
near  Slivno,  and  was  recommended  to  Stambuloff  by  his  old  friend, 
Zachary  Stoyanoff.  As  long  as  he  was  in  power,  Stambuloff  paid 
him  wages,  but  after  he  fell,  and  his  property  was  sequestrated,  he 
dismissed  all  his  servants.  Guntcho,  however  (as,  indeed,  did  almost 
all  of  the  others),  refused  to  go,  and  continues  to  serve  for  love. 


204  ^f.    STAMBULOFF. 

was  mad  with  rage,  and  told  me  that  he  held  the  Prince 
responsible  for  allowing  his  guest  to  be  treated  so  beneath 
his  windows ;  a  treatment  which  the  wildest  Albanian 
would  never  permit  his  host  to  suffer,  even  if  he  were  his 
most  deadly  enemy.  It  must  be  doubted,  however,  if 
His  Highness  had  anything  whatever  to  do  with  this 
demonstration,  which  seemed  to  be  directed  almost  as 
much  against  him  as  against  Stambuloff  It  was  certainly 
got  up  by  the  Opposition,  and  no  attempt  was  made  by 
the  authorities  or  police  to  stop  it,  or  to  punish  those 
who  took  part  in  it.  The  probable  truth  is  that  the 
Government  were  displeased  with  the  Prince's  reception 
of  Stambuloff,  and  feared  a  reconciliation.  For  this 
reason  they  wished  to  intimidate  the  Prince  by  sending 
a  mob  in  front  of  the  Palace.  If  this  was  their  object — 
to  prevent  any  further  communication  between  His 
Highness  and  his  ex-Premier — they  succeeded,  for  this 
was  the  last  interview,  and  the  farewell  of  Prince 
Ferdinand  to  the  man  who  had  done  so  much  for  him 
and  his  child,  and  for  the  country  he  governed. 

From  the  12th  June  to  the  9th  August,  Stambuloff 
scarcely  left  the  house,  but  at  3  a.m.  on  that  day  he 
ordered  Guntcho  to  saddle  a  couple  of  horses,  and 
started  for  a  ride  across  country.  The  police  sentinels, 
who  were  posted  round  the  house,  were  so  astonished  at 
this  early  sally,  that  they  did  not  at  first  know  what  to  do, 
and  whilst  one  went  to  give  information,  the  others 
followed  to  try  and  keep  the  horses  in  sight.  This  they 
failed  in,  and,  after  a  six-hours'  gallop,  Stambuloff  returned. 
In  the  course  of  the  morning  a  couple  of  gendarmes 
took  up  their  position  on  his  doorstep,   but  he  took  no 


THE   FALL    OF  STAMBULOFF.  205 

notice  of  them,  as  they  did  not  interfere  with  him 
otherwise.  In  the  evening,  Stambuloff's  former  Under- 
Secretary  of  Council  came  to  dinner  with  his  wife. 
When,  at  eleven  o'clock,  they  tried  to  go,  the  new 
sentries  declared  that  they  had  orders  not  to  allow  any- 
body to  leave  or  enter  the  house  between  9  p.m.  and 
9  a.m.  Stambuloff  objected  that  no  such  order  had  been 
communicated  to  him,  and  he  did  not  recognise  it,  and 
ordered  them  to  make  way  for  his  guests.  The  only 
reply  to  this  was  the  presentation  of  two  bayonets,  and 
the  ominous  click  of  the  locks  of  their  rifles.  Nobody 
knew  better  than  Stambuloff  the  obstinate  and  unreason- 
ing obedience  of  the  Bulgarian,  and  he  was  forced  to 
retire  and  telephone  to  the  Police  Commissary,  saying 
that  he  had  no  room  in  his  house  to  put  up  his  guests, 
who  were  perfectly  well  known  to  the  Commissary,  and 
were  not  suspicious  personages,  and  finally  orders  were 
given  to  let  them  out.* 

On  the  loth  August,  Prince  Ferdinand  arrived  from 
one  of  his  voyages,  and  Stambuloff  immediately  wrote 
to  him  complaining  bitterly  of  the  treatment  meted  out 
to  the  Minister  whom,  so  short  a  while  ago.  His  Highness 
had  honoured  by  the  Rescript,  and  concluding  his  letter 
by  the  phrase,  "  If  I  have  been  guilty  of  any  crime,  arrest 
me  and  try  me  :  but  do  not  put  my  wife,  my  mother,  my 
family,  and  my  friends  under  a  general  arrest  in  my  own 
house."     This    appeal    remained    without    any    answer. 

*  A  Hungarian  journalist,  Ad.  Strauss,  was  in  Sofia  at  the  time, 
and  would  not  believe  that  Stamlxilofif's  complaint  was  true,  but  on 
trying  to  force  his  way  in,  one  evening,  he  had  convincing  proof 
given  to  him  that  it  was  so. 


2o6  M.    STAMBULOFF. 

Consequently,  Stambuloff's  friends  could  only  come  to  see 
him  in  the  day-time.  Amongst  these  may  fairly  be 
reckoned  most  of  the  Foreign  Diplomatic  Agents,  who, 
without  exception,  respected  the  fallen  Minister,  and  dis- 
approved of  the  methods  of  his  foes  in  their  triumph. 
Stambuloff  asked  them  to  use  their  influence  with  the 
Prince,  for  both  of  their  sakes,  not  to  enter  upon  a  course 
of  petty  persecution,  and  Mr.  Bering,  the  British  Repre- 
sentative, spoke  to  Prince  Ferdinand  on  the  subject. 
His  Highness  carelessly  replied,  "Ah!  I  dare  say  tliey 
are  worrying  him  a  little  on  account  of  the  manner  in 
which  he  attacks  them  in  his  paper ;  that  is  all." 

On  this  being  repeated  to  Stambuloff,  he  grew  very 
angry,  declaring  that  without  the  support  and  encourage- 
ment of  the  Prince,  the  Conservatives  neither  would 
nor  could  have  taken  the  measures  against  him  which 
they  had  done  ;  and  it  was  whilst  he  was  in  the  paroxysm 
of  his  rage  that  M.  Kanner,  correspondent  of  the 
Frankfurter  Zeitinig,  called  upon  him. 

It  was  on  the  14th  August  that  Stambuloff  committed 
the  greatest  blunder  of  his  life,  by  pouring  out  his  griefs 
into  the  willing  ears  of  M.  Kanner.  Had  he  confined 
himself  to  a  mere  recital  of  what  had  been  done  to  him, 
or  had  he  simply  put  the  responsibility  for  it  upon  the 
Government,  very  little,  if  any,  harm  would  have  come  of 
it.  But  he  attacked  Prince  Ferdinand  violently,  and 
personally,  holding  him  up  to  contempt  by  relating 
various  little  incidents  which  he  alone  knew,  and  which, 
for  that  reason,  he  ought  never  to  have  divulged. 

All  the  bitter  words  and  acts  that  had  passed  between 
them  in  Bulgaria  might  one  day  have  been  forgiven,  but 


THE   FALL    OF  STAMBULOFF.  207 

this  attempt  to  pillory  him  in  the  German  Press  was  an 
unpardonable  sin  in  the  eyes  of  Prince  Ferdinand,  and 
having  once  crossed  the  Rubicon  of  decency,  the  war 
was  carried  on  subsequently  without  the  slightest  mercy 
being  shown  to  private,  as  well  as  public,  acts  and  rela- 
tions, and  with  a  total  disregard  for  the  usual  courtesies  of 
even  newspaper  controversy. 

Up  to  the  time  of  the  publication  of  the  Frankfiirte?- 
Zeitung  article,  the  Prince  and  his  ex-Premier  had  been 
enemies,  it  is  true,  at  heart,  but  outw^ardly  Stambuloff  was 
still  the  Prince's  trusted  counsellor ;  in  fact,  the  last 
communication  from  the  Prince,  before  this  incident,  had 
been  the  issue  of  his  grateful  Rescript.  The  wearing  of 
the  mask,  and  the  playing  of  the  farce,  had,  however, 
palled  upon  the  impatient  spirit  of  Stambuloff,  who  felt 
that  he  was  losing  ground  in  this  style  of  fighting,  under  a 
flag  of  peace,  in  which  the  Prince  was  his  superior,  as  well 
as  occupying  the  stronger  position.  Therefore,  he  de- 
clared war  openly  by  a  vicious  personal  attack  in  the 
Zetfung.  The  journalist  did  his  work  conscientiously, 
and  published,  in  all  its  venomous  crudity,  every  word 
of  the  interview.  The  sting  of  it  lay  in  its  truth,  and  it 
created  a  nine  days'  sensation  in  Europe.  In  Bulgaria  it 
was  the  declaration  of  hostilities,  of  which  nobody  can  yet 
foretell  the  ending. 

Stambuloff,  by  this  outburst,  committed  what  was  worse 
than  a  crime — a  mistake.  There  can  be  no  real  excuse 
made  for  it.  It  may  be  urged  that  he  was  smarting  under 
great  provocation,  as  he  doubtless  was,  but  how  much 
worthier  and  more  dignified  it  would  have  been  to  show 
himself  superior  to  such  petty  revenge  by  silence.      He 


2o8  M.    STAMBULOFF. 

has  often  admitted  since,  that  he  said  what  he  should 
never  have  allowed  to  pass  his  lips  concerning  his  Prince, 
and  that  it  was  wrong  and  unworthy  of  him,  but  having 
once  entered  the  lists,  with  the  dangerous  plough-handle 
of  the  European  Press,  he  could  not  turn  back.  The 
buttons  were  off  now ;  it  was  no  longer  a  fencing  match, 
but  a  duel  to  the  death. 


CHAPTER   XI. 

THE    PERSECUTION. 

Stambuloft'  summoned  to  Court — He  is  bailed  out — The  attack  upon 
him  by  the  police — Costa  Pavloff — Wholesale  dismissal  of  the 
Stambuloft"  partisans  in  Government  employ— Maltreatment  of 
electors  at  Slivno — "  You  are  drunkards  and  vagabonds" — -The 
Svoboda — Stoiloff"  and  Petroff  make  an  electoral  tour — The  "en- 
lightened "  Chamber — The  method  of  legislation — The  Parliamen- 
tary Commission — The  sequester — Its  illegality — Petkoff  and  his 
fortune — The  Pension  Law^The  accusations  against  Stambuloff— 
Their  absurdity— -Stambuloff  must  not  write  in  red  ink — Assassins 
at  tea  with  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs — An  execution  for 
taxes  on  Stambuloff's  furniture — His  visit  to  the  Club. 

ON  the  5th  September,  Stambuloff  was  summoned 
to  the  Court,  to  answer  for  defamation  of  the 
Prince.  He  took  with  him  his  counsel,  M.  Pomianoff, 
who  pleaded  that  there  was  no  article  in  the  Code 
by  which  his  client  could  be  held  responsible  for  what 
a  foreign  journalist  published  in  a  foreign  journal.  The 
fact  that  Stambuloff's  paper,  the  Svoboda,  had  reproduced 
part  of  the  incriminated  "  interview "  did  not  alter  the 
case  in  the  least,  as,  though  the  Svoboda  was  his  organ, 
he  was  not  legally  connected  with  it,  or  responsible  for 
its  contents.  It  was,  indeed,  perfectly  impossible  to 
bring  the  celebrated  interview  within  the  pale  of  Bulgarian 
law ;  but,  nevertheless,  the  Court,  without  troubling  itself 
to  hear  much  argument,  simply  decided  that  an  offence 
had  been  committed ;  and  until  judgment  could  be  given, 


2IO  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

the  accused  must  find  bail  to  the  extent  of  70,000  francs, 
which  was  to  be  paid  in  gold  before  he  could  leave  the 
building,  except  to  go  to  prison.  M.  Pomianoff  at  once 
protested  against  the  fixing  of  such  a  sum  for  an  offence 
which  did  not  exist,  and  the  Court  then  lowered  it  to 
35,000  francs.  This  sum  was  collected  by  Stambuloff 
from  his  friends  in  the  crowd,  several  of  whom,  guessing 
what  might  happen,  had  brought  all  the  money  they 
possessed  with  them. 

The  unexpected  production  of  the  bail  compelled  the 
Court  to  release  the  man  whom  they  already  considered 
their  prisoner,  and  Stambuloff  left  with  his  counsel. 
Outside,  he  found  a  crowd  of  about  two  hundred  and 
fifty,  amongst  whom  were  many  Police  Commissaries. 
Conspicuous  stood  Urukoff,  Inspector  of  the  Fifth 
Uchastuk,  and  seeing  that  the  mob  hesitated,  he  shouted, 
"What  are  you  waiting  for?  Why  do  you  not  begin?" 
and  set  the  example  by  throwing  the  first  stone.  This 
was  the  signal  for  a  perfect  hail  to  fall  upon  the  carriage. 
Poor  M.  Pomianoff,  who  is  a  small  and  timid  gentleman, 
kept  ducking  right  and  left,  but  Stambuloff  told  him  to 
keep  still,  as  there  was  no  good  trying  to  get  out  of  the 
way  of  one  brick-bat  when  a  dozen  others  were  behind 
it.  As  he  was  making  the  remark  a  missile  caught  the 
lawyer  on  the  shoulder,  and  Stambuloff  himself  felt  a 
sharp  numbing  pain  in  the  elbow,  whilst  the  horn  head  of 
a  stick  flew  off  into  the  carriage.*  Had  it  not  been  for 
the  presence  of  mind  of  Guntcho,  who  was  sitting  on 
the  box,  the  hired  ruffians  would  probably  have  torn 
Stambuloff  from  his  seat,  and  finished  with  him ;  but 
•  I  saw  this  piece  of  evidence,  afterwards,  lying  on  the  table. 


THE  PERSECUTION.  211 

when  Costa  Pavloff  and  another  made  at  his  master  with 
sticks,  he  drew  from  his  pocket  a  penknife  in  a  wash- 
leather  case,  and  holding  it  as  if  it  were  a  pistol,  made 
pretence  of  aiming  at  Costa's  head,  whereupon  he  dealt 
a  furious  blow  at  Stambuloff,  and  fell  back  into  the 
crowd.  Luckily  none  of  the  party  were  armed,  as,  on 
leaving  his  house  to  go  to  the  Court,  Stambuloff  had 
made  sure  that  he  would  be  arrested,  and  any  arms  he 
might  have  on  his  person  would  be  taken  away.  Con- 
sequently he  was  defenceless,  and  only  dressed  very 
warmly,  in  anticipation  of  passing  some  time  in  the  cells. 
It  was  proved  afterwards  that  Costa  Pavloff  had  been 
with  Natchevitch  half-an  hour  previously,  and  had  come 
straight  from  him  to  the  scene  of  action.  It  should  be 
added  that  he  was  shortly  after,  on  his  departure  for 
Rustchuk,  the  recipient  of  a  present  of  two  thousand 
francs.  The  only  enquiry  ever  made  into  this  riot  was  that 
Guntcho  was  brought  up  for  having  made  his  threatening 
demonstration  with  a  penknife  in  its  case.  Nothing  was, 
however,  done  to  him,  and  Urukoff,  who  commenced  the 
the  stone-throwing,  is  still  at  his  post  at  the  Fifth  Uchastuk. 
It  is  by  no  means  easy  to  give  a  coherent  account  of 
all  that  happened  during  the  next  four  or  five  months,  up 
to  the  elections  for  the  new  Chamber.  The  first  act  of 
the  Stoiloff  Cabinet  was  to  make  a  clean  sweep  of  all  the 
adherents  of  Stambuloff,  throughout  the  country.  He 
was  the  accursed  thing,  and  it  had  to  be  cut  out,  root 
and  branch.  Fifteen  hundred  Mayors  and  Heads  of 
Communes  were  changed  in  one  month.  During  his 
seven  years  of  office,  Stambuloff  dismissed  four  out  of 
twenty-four  Prefects.      Stoiloff  dismissed  twenty-one  im- 


212  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

mediately.  Out  of  the  eighty-four  Baillis,  or  rural 
Magistrates  and  Inspectors,  Stambuloff  changed  twenty 
during  his  long  tenure.  The  new  Government  turned 
out  seventy  of  them  before  it  had  been  three  weeks  in 
ofifice.  As  may  be  imagined,  these  wholesale  dismissals, 
which  went  through  the  whole  administrative  machine 
from  top  to  bottom,  threw  it  entirely  out  of  gear.  The 
new  men,  in  order  to  keep  their  places,  resorted  to  all 
sorts  of  violence,  and  telegrams  from  the  provinces 
began  pouring  in  to  the  Palace  from  every  corner  of  the 
Principality,  complaining  of  oppression,  robbery,  and 
violence  of  every  description,  for  which  no  redress  was 
obtainable.  Between  the  30th  May,  1894,  and  the  same 
date  in  the  present  year,  more  than  fifteen  thousand  of 
these  have  been  received,  and  no  answers  were  ever 
returned.  I  must  except  the  case  of  the  electors  of 
Slivno.  A  dozen  Liberals  were  attacked  by  the  Opposition, 
or  their  hired  sopadjis  (so-called  from  their  being  armed 
with  sopas,  or  clubs),  and  mercilessly  thrashed.  Amongst 
them  were  several  of  the  leading  merchants,  and  a  Justice 
of  the  Peace,  who,  through  a  partisan  of  Radoslavoff, 
was  also  a  Liberal.  They  telegraphed  to  the  Prince,  who 
replied,  through  his  Secretary,  Moravenoff :  "  The  Minister 
of  Interior  reports  that  it  is  not  true  that  you  tvere  beaten  : 
and  that  you  are  drunkards  and  vagabonds  ivho  disturbed 
the  peace.  This  is  sent  to  you  as  a  warning."  The 
sufferers,  who  were  being  treated  in  the  Government 
Hospital,  were  naturally  incensed  at  such  an  answer,  and 
immediately  procured  certified  copies  from  the  civil 
authorities  of  their  status  in  the  merchant  guilds,  together 
with  certificates  signed  by  the  Chief  Medical  Ofificer  of 


THE  PERSECUTION.  213 

the  district  as  to  their  injuries,  and  forwarded  these  side 
by  side  with  their  original  telegram  and  the  reply  of  the 
Prince  to  the  Svoboda. 

This  newspaper  had  commenced  the  publication  of  peti- 
tions and  telegrams  sent  to  the  Palace  under  the  heading 
"Anarchy,"  almost  immediately  the  Stoiloff  Cabinet  came 
in.  The  Government,  after  a  week  or  two,  feeling  annoyed 
at  all  the  outrages  perpetrated  in  its  name  being  daily  put 
on  record,  decided  to  shut  the  office  of  the  paper,  under 
the  pretext  that  it  was  a  Government  Press — which  it 
never  was,  though  it  had  done  a  great  deal  of  Govern- 
ment work.  They  opened  a  case  against  Krog,  the  pro- 
prietor, and  meanwhile  sequestrated  the  machine,  which 
was  the  best  in  Sofia,  and  transported  it  to  the  Public 
Printing  House,  where  it  has  since  been  working  for  the 
Government.  Stambuloff,  however,  was  not  to  be  beaten 
by  this  move.  He  printed  the  next  day  at  another 
office,  and  sent  for  a  new  press  and  type,  which  came 
in  due  course,  and  with  which  the  paper  is  now  being 
worked.  For  more  than  six  months  it  had  several  columns 
daily  under  the  "  Anarchy  "  heading,  and  the  publication 
is  still  continuing,  but  instead  of  "  Anarchy "  all  com- 
plaints are  under  "  The  reign  of  Order  and  Legality." 
The  virulence  and  abusiveness  with  which  this  paper, 
under  the  editorship  of  M.  Petkoff,  ex-Mayor  of  Sofia,  has 
carried  on  the  campaign  must  be  taken  as  the  principal 
embittering  element  in  the  struggle,  and  if  anything  has 
rendered  a  reconciliation  between  His  Highness  and 
Stambuloff  so  difficult  as  to  be  almost  outside  the  range 
of  possibility,  it  is  the  disgraceful  personal  attacks  of  the 
Svoboda  upon   the   Prince.     No  provocation   can   excuse 


214  ^I-   STAMBULOFF. 

them,  and  no  friend  or  admirer  of  Stambuloff  can  do 
otherwise  than  regret  that  he  should  countenance  them 
in  an  organ  which  he  controls.  If,  however,  the  Svoboda 
is  strong  in  its  language,  it  usually  contains  both  point 
and  cleverness  in  its  articles,  whereas  the  replies  of  the 
J//r,  the  Government  newspaper,  are  simply  spiteful. 

I  do  not  propose  to  go  into  details,  or  give  instances 
of  the  wholesale  political  persecution,  which,  there  is 
not  the  shadow  of  a  shade  of  doubt,  prevailed,  in  spite 
of  the  vigorous  denials  of  the  Government.  Now  and 
again  a  prominent  instance  may  be  quoted,  but  it  may  be 
taken  for  proved,  that  no  pains  were  spared  to  terrorise 
the  country  preparatory  to  and  during  the  September 
elections.  Before  these  came  off,  Dr.  Stoiloff  and  Col. 
Petroff  made  an  electoral  tour,  and  were  able,  in  several 
places,  to  judge,  de  visit,  of  the  state  of  popular  feeling. 
At  Chirpan,  the  two  Ministers  were  forced  to  fly  before  a 
pitched  battle,  which  raged  round  them,  between  the 
Russophil  and  Liberal  factions.  At  Tirnovo,  they  were 
welcomed  by  their  partisans  with  delight,  and  on  their 
departure  the  villa  of  Stambuloff  was  set  on  fire,  as  a 
.species  oi  feu  dejoie.'^' 

When  the  elections  came  off,  the  whole  gendarmerie  of 
the  district  was  collected  at  Tirnovo,  with  two  companies 
of  troops.  M.  Todor  Todoroff,  the  present  President  of 
the  Chamber,  supervised  operations.  The  electoral  urns 
were  surrounded  by  gendarmes  and  clubmen  {soJ>adj/s), 
who  turned  back  all  the  citizens  of  Tirnovo,  who — to  a 

'  Luckily,  being  built  of  stone,  the  stables  alone  were  burnt 
down  before  the  soldiers,  who  were  encamiied  close  by,  came  up  and 
jjut  it  out. 


THE   PERSECUTION.  215 

man,  would  have  voted  for  Stambuloff— and  put  in 
bulletins  themselves  in  their  stead.  The  voters  then 
held  a  meeting  in  the  Square,  and  drew  up  .a  protesting 
telegram  for  the  Princej  but  were  charged  by  the  gen- 
darmes, and  a  score  of  them  were  more  or  less  damaged. 
By  this  free  election  the  Government  candidate,  Gaikoff, 
was  brought  in.  At  Biela  Slatina  much  the  same  pro- 
cedure was  adopted,  only  that  there  artillery  was  brought 
up  to  command  the  place  of  voting. 

It  may  be  guessed  that  the  elections  resulted,  as  they 
always  do,  in  favour  of  the  Government,  or  more  correctly 
speaking,  in  the  exclusion  of  the  Stambuloff  Party.  For 
the  Government  of  Coalition  had  fallen  to  pieces,  and 
there  are  not  thirty  Conservative  members  in  the  present 
Chamber,  which  is  composed  of  about  forty  Unionist 
Russophils  from  Eastern  Roumelia,  the  same  number  of 
Zankoffists,  thirty-five  Radoslavists,  and  the  remainder 
Socialists  and  Karaveloffists.  Out  of  these,  the  Rado- 
slavists are  heading  the  Opposition,  such  as  it  is,  but  as 
there  is  no  particular  Party  in  real  power,  and  no  policy — 
except  to  keep  down  Stambuloff  at  all  costs,  a  policy  in 
which  they  are  all  pretty  well  agreed— there  is  not  much 
ground  for  an  Opposition  to  stand  upon.  The  strength 
of  the  Government  lies  in  its  weakness.  If  it  were  to  take 
up  any  strong  measure,  except  against  the  Liberals,  it 
would  fall  at  once.     As  it  is,  it  governs  on  sufferance. 

This  Chamber  was  opened  by  the  Prince  with  the 
usual  Throne  speech,  in  which  he  characterised  it  as 
the  "  most  enlightened  and  intelligent  Chamber "  he 
had  had  the  pleasure  of  addressing.  It  proceeded  forth- 
with to  try  and  justify  these  encomia  by  a  most  phenomenal 


2i6  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

legislative  activity.  According  to  the  Constitution,  no 
law  can  be  voted  until  it  has  been  read  through  article 
by  article,  and  so  considered. 

The  new  Chamber,  however,  dispensed  with  these 
formalities,  and  was  in  the  habit  of  holding  night  sittings, 
at  which  comparatively  few  Deputies  were  present.  It 
was  during  these  famous  '■'■seances  de  nuit^^  that  most  of 
their  business  was  transacted,  in  a  manner  which  must 
raise  the  envy  of  the  slower  Houses  of  Europe.  In 
one  night  this  "enlightened"  Chamber  voted  and  passed 
thirty-two  laws,  amongst  which  was  a  most  important 
one,  defining  the  attributions  and  privileges  of  the 
Exarchate,  in  no  fewer  than  three  hundred  articles. 

As  against  Stambuloff  and  his  party,  the  Chamber  at 
once  instituted  a  Parliamentary  Commission,  to  encjuire 
into  the  acts  of  his  Ministry.  This  Commission  had  no 
judicial  authority  vested  in  it,  nor,  indeed,  could  it  have.* 

Nevertheless,  as  a  commencement  of  its  labours,  it 
drew  up  a  Protocol,  putting  a  sequester  upon  Stambuloff's 
property,  and  forwarded  it  to  Stoiloff,  as  Home  Minister, 
for  communication  to  the  authorities.  He,  however, 
being  a  lawyer,  and  seeing  the  invalidity  of  such  a 
sequester,  arbitrarily  pronounced  by  a  Commission  of 
simple  enquiry,  sent  it  back  to  them.f 

*  When  Stambuloff  tried  to  leave  the  country,  and  applied  for 
his  passport,  the  Commission  objected,  and  M.  Stoiloff  argued  that 
it  had  certain  judicial  powers,  though  he  had  distinctly  admitted  to 
me,  personally,  a  month  or  so  previously,  not  only  that  it  had  none, 
but  that  he  had  purposely  deprived  it  of  a  judicial  character. 

t  By  Article  75  of  the  Constitution,  nobody  shall  be  punished 
otherwise  than  is  provided  by  law,  after  trial.  Confiscation  of 
l)roperty  is  forl^idden  under  any  circumstances. 


THE  PERSECUTION.  217 

The  fact  was  that  Stoiloff  did  not  approve  of  the  lawless 
persecution  of  Stambuloff ;  but  he  was,  and  is,  not  strong 
enough  to  stand  in  the  way  of  it.  The  Commission 
hereupon  caused  a  copy  of  their  protocol,  unsigned  by 
Stoiloff,  to  be  sent  round  to  all  the  Mayors  in  Bulgaria, 
forbidding  them  to  issue  the  certificate  of  right,  without 
which  no  transfer  of  property  can  be  made.  Stoiloff 
looked  on  at  this  in  silence.  The  Mayors  receiving  the 
Protocol,  and  being  well  aware  that  it  was  equivalent  to 
an  order  almost,  and  at  any  rate  that  it  expressed  the 
wishes  of  the  Government,  refused  to  deliver  the  docu- 
ments, and  consequently  a  sequester  was  de  facto  put  upon 
Stambuloff's  property.  An  honourable  exception  to  the 
rest  of  the  Mayors  was  he  of  Bourgas,  who,  on  reading 
the  Protocol,  remarked  that  it  was  unsigned  by  any 
competent  official  of  the  Ministry,  and  he  should  take 
no  notice  of  it.  Accordingly  he  delivered  the  titles  on 
demand,  and  in  the  Bourgas  district  Stambuloff  was 
able  to  sell. 

Another  Commission  was  appointed  to  enquire  into 
the  supposed  thefts  and  peculations  perpetrated  by 
Stambuloff  and  his  friends.  This  may  be  the  place  to 
dispel  the  popular  delusion  concerning  Stambuloff's 
wealth.  When  practising  as  a  lawyer,  he  found  many 
opportunities  of  acquiring  the  land  of  the  Turkish  peasants, 
who  were  leaving  en  masse,  and  were  glad  to  accept 
almost  any  trifle  for  property  which  they  were  forced 
to  leave  behind  them.  Beginning  by  buying  one  village, 
he  went  on  until  he  became  the  lord  of  a  manor  con- 
taining 285  houses,  and  150000  acres  of  forest.  The 
only  use  this  has  ever  been   to  him   has  been   to  give 


2i8  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

fifty  acres  to  such  of  his  friends  as  needed  this  quaU- 
fication,  in  order  to  sit  in  the  Chamber.  Before  the 
elections,  the  poUce  turned  loose  the  inhabitants  of  twenty 
villages  into  Stambuloff's  forests,  where  they  remained 
for  a  fortnight  cutting  down  the  timber.  He  never 
complained  of  this  barbarity.  Upon  my  sympathising 
with  the  enormous  loss  it  must  have  entailed  upon  him, 
he  laughed,  and  said  that  if  it  amused  the  people  to 
cut  down  their  ex-Premier's  trees,  he  had  no  objection, 
for  the  transport  was  too  costly  for  the  forests  to  be 
valuable  at  present,  and  that  up  to  now  he  had  never 
got  one  sou's  return  for  the  sum  of  120,000  francs  which 
this  fine  estate  had  cost  him.  Some  day  it  may  be 
valuable ;  but  until  a  railway  is  built  it  is  worth  nothing. 

To  return  to  the  Commission.  Their  searching  having 
proved  fruitless,  they  proposed  a  project  of  a  Law  to 
the  Chamber,  to  be  entitled  "x\  Law  for  the  prosecution 
of  Government  employes  who  appear  to  possess  more 
wealth  than  they  ought  to."  This  somewhat  original 
Law  was  passed  without  difiiculty,  and  the  first  and  last 
individual  to  be  examined  under  it  was  Petkoff,  ex- 
Mayor  of  Sofia,  and  Stambuloff's  alter  ego.  Petkoff  was 
generally  considered  to  be  a  millionaire,  and  it  was  simply 
and  solely  for  his  benefit  that  the  law  was  framed.  It  is 
a  penal  one,  and  has  retro-active  force.  Any  employe 
may  be  called  upon,  in  fifteen  days,  to  give  in  an  account 
of  everything  he  is  possessed  of.  If  the  Government  is 
not  satisfied,  it  may  confiscate  his  goods  and  send  him  to 
jail.  It  is  directly  contrary  to  Article  75  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, already  quoted.  It  was  justified  on  the  plea  that  a 
similar  one  exists  in  Germany.     Much  to  the  discomfiture 


THE  PERSECUTION.  219 

of  the  Government,  Petkoff  produced  his  balance-sheet, 
proving  that  his  whole  fortune  consisted  chiefly  in  three 
houses,  valued  officially  at  175,000  francs,  and  being 
mortgaged  for  115,000,  thus  leaving  him  with  the  gigantic 
balance  of  less  than  _;£^2,5oo.  The  result  of  this  expose 
justified  poor  Petkoff's  character  before  the  Chamber,  but 
by  destroying  the  fiction  of  his  wealth,  also  destroyed  his 
credit  entirely,  and  was  a  severe  blow  to  him.  No  other 
official  has  been  called  up,  and  it  may  be  assumed  that, 
with  all  its  faults,  the  Stambuloff  Ministry  was  not 
corrupt. 

A  third  law  was  framed  to  annul  the  existing  Pension 
Law.  By  the  new  one,  the  whole  scale  was  reduced  by 
about  half,  in  the  cases  of  small  pensions  drawn  by 
widows  and  orphans,  and  even  larger  proportions  in  some, 
whilst  the  Ministerial  pensions  were  abolished  altogether. 
Heretofore  every  Minister,  if  he  had  only  held  office  for 
twenty-four  hours,  received  a  life  pension.  This  was 
proposed  and  carried  by  Stambuloff  (after  the  pitiful 
death,  from  want,  of  an  ex-Minister),  who  considered  it  a 
national  disgrace  that  any  man  who  had  ever  served  his 
country  in  so  high  a  capacity  should  perish  for  lack  of 
bread. 

The  Chamber,  in  one  of  its  "  night  sittings,"  abolished 
the  old  law,  and  passed  a  resolution  empowering  the 
Ministry  to  act  upon  the  project  of  the  new  one  until  it 
should  be  finally  approved  by  the  Chamber.  This  was 
quite  illegal,  since  a  Ministry  cannot  act  on  a  project, 
and  the  project  itself  was  full  of  provisions  contrary  to 
the  Constitution.  The  decision  of  the  Chamber  was, 
nevertheless,  regarded  as  sufficient  authority  for  cutting 


220  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

down  and  suppressing  the  former  pensions,  and  was  put 
into  force.  The  only  one  of  M.  Stambuloff's  Cabinet 
who  really  suffered  by  this  measure  was  Dr.  Stransky,  who, 
with  a  large  family,  was  almost  entirely  dependent  upon 
his  Ministerial  pension,  but  Radoslavoff  has  been  reduced 
also  to  rely  upon  his  friends.  He,  who  was  a  Minister 
himself  in  this  same  Cabinet  of  Stoiloff's,  was  now  forced 
to  collect,  from  different  quarters,  the  entrance  fee  to  the 
Liberal  Club,  and  he  is  naturally  now  one  of  the  deadliest 
enemies  the  Government  has  to  count  with. 

As  soon  as  Stambuloff  heard  of  the  sequester,  he  at 
once  entered  a  notarial  protest  against  Stoiloff,  holding 
him  responsible  for  all  damages  which  might  accrue,  but 
Stoiloff  not  having  signed  the  Protocol,  could  afford  to 
snap  his  fingers  at  this — not  that  he  did  so  ;  he  merely 
maintained  a  cheerful  silence.  Soon  afterwards  M. 
Grekoff  went  to  see  Prince  Ferdinand,  and  ventured  to 
point  out  the  illegality  of  the  Government  proceedings. 
"What!"  exclaimed  His  Highness,  "Stambuloff  com- 
plaining of  illegality  after  his  seven  years'  rule  !  "  Grekoff 
respectfully  declined  to  discuss  that  side  of  the  question, 
but  maintained  that  the  present  Government  had  always 
made  a  war-cry  out  of  Law  and  Order,  and  the  way  in 
which  it  was  beginning  to  work  was  producing  a  very  bad 
impression.  Argument  was  thrown  away,  however,  and 
I\L  Grekoff  withdrew.  He  has  not  been  invited  to  enter 
the  Palace  since. 

The  next  moves  of  the  (Cabinet  were  a  series  of 
outrageous  accusations,  brought  one  after  another.  In 
the  first  instance,  nearly  a  score  of  notorious  prostitutes 
were  brought  in  a  batch  to  the  Court  to  accuse  Stambu- 


THE  PERSECUTION.  221 

loff  of  having  ruined  them.  In  the  Court  itself  these 
wretched  creatures  were  joking  with  the  pubUc,  and 
relating  how  they  had  been  fetched  by  the  police  out  of 
the  brothels  to  perjure  themselves.  Needless  to  say, 
Stambuloff  took  no  notice  of  the  case,  which  was  tacitly 
dropped.  The  next  charge  fixed  upon  him  was  more 
ridiculous  and  disgraceful,  if  possible,  than  the  first.  He 
was  actually  accused  of  having  murdered  Beltcheff  him- 
self. With  most  of  the  real  assassins  roaming  at  large  in 
the  streets,  their  guilt  having  been  proved  and  confessed 
by  Rizoff,  in  a  pamphlet  he  wrote  in  Belgrade,  it  was  too 
absurd  to  accuse  Stambuloff.  Nevertheless,  the  President 
of  the  Court,  M.  Sofronieff,  made  out  an  order  to  arrest 
him  for  the  murder  of  Minister  Beltcheff,  and  sent  it  to 
the  Chief  of  Division  for  execution.  This  functionary 
declined  to  move,  though,  without  an  order  from  the 
Ministry.  "  What  is  the  need  of  that,"  replied  Sofronieff, 
"since  I  am  acting  on  their  instructions?"  The  man 
still  refused,  however,  and  the  fact  of  the  warrant  having 
been  issued  became  public,  and  aroused  universal 
indignation.  Most  of  the  Foreign  Diplomats  went  to 
see  Stoiloff  and  Natchevitch,  who  declared  that  they 
had  no  knowledge  of  the  circumstances,  but  on  the 
strong  remonstrances  addressed  to  them,  especially  by 
Mr.  Dering  and  M.  de  Burian,  the  Austrian  Minister, 
they  consented  to  quash  the  proceedings.  It  was  only, 
therefore,  by  the  kindly  intervention  of  foreigners  that 
Stambuloff  was  saved  from  spending  his  Christmas  in 
prison.  The  consequences  of  this  would-be  blow  at  him 
recoiled  upon  the  heads  of  the  strikers,  for  more  than 
4,000  telegrams,  from  every  corner  of  Bulgaria,  expressive 


222  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

of  disgust  at   this    stupid   accusation,  were   received    by 
Stambuloff,  and  published  in  the  Svohoda. 

And  so  opened  the  year  1895.  In  January,  a  PoUce 
Inspector  appeared  at  Stambuloff's  house,  on  the  pretence 
of  verifying  the  number  of  his  servants,  as  he  was 
suspected  of  harbouring  criminals.  Stambuloff  refused 
to  allow  him  to  enter,  basing  himself  on  Article  74  of 
the  Code,  which  only  gives  the  right  of  arrest  and 
perquisition  on  a  regularly  made-out  order  from  the 
Tribunal.  *  The  Inspector  drew  up  a  Protocol,  and 
served  him  with  a  summons,  which  Stambuloff  tore  up. 
A  month  later,  he  came  again  with  fifteen  gendarmes. 
Again  he  was  met  with  a  refusal,  and  an  invitation  to  break 
in  by  force  if  he  chose,  as  he  should  not  enter  otherwise. 
A  second  Protocol  was  made,  and  a  second  summons 
sent.  The  Justice  of  the  Peace,  however,  sent  the 
summons  back  to  the  Inspector  to  say  that  Stambuloff 
was  within  his  rights,  and  that  he  could  not  be  prosecuted 
for  upholding  them.  As  a  specimen  of  the  minor  insults 
put  upon  him,  I  may  mention  that  he  applied  for  a 
shooting  licence,  writing  his  application  in  red  ink.  All 
Stambuloff's  friends  know  well  his  partiality  for  red  ink, 
and  his  habit  of  writing  his  letters  in  that  medium.  The 
Mayoralty,  however,  erased  the  stamp,  and  sent  back 
word  that  if  he  sent  another  red  application  he  should  be 
fined  !  Police  sentries  were  placed  permanently  round 
his  house  to  report  on  everybody  who  went  in  and  out, 
and   the    professional    murderers,    Naoum    Teufectchieff, 

*  It  was  said  at  the  time,  I  remember,  that  he  had  arrested 
Panitza,  and  made  perquisitions  right  and  left  without  any  judicial 
order.     No  sane  man  can,  however,  compare  the  two  cases. 


THE  PERSECUTION.  223 

Costa  Giurgiukly,  and  A^elikoff,  were  lodged  in  the  villa 
of  the  brothers  Ivanoff,  over  against  his  windows.  The 
former  of  these  is  in  the  habit  of  daily  visiting  Natche- 
vitch,  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  Sofia  is  treated 
to  the  somewhat  unusual  spectacle  of  a  convicted  assassin, 
condemned  already  to  fifteen  years'  penal  servitude,  by 
the  Turkish  Tribunals,  for  the  murder  of  Dr.  Vulkovitch, 
and  under  a  charge  of  murdering  Beltcheff,  having  been 
released  on  a  bail  of  five  thousand  francs,  going  every 
evening  for  coffee  and  cigarettes  with  the  Foreign  Minister. 
M.  Natchevitch  says  that  he  receives  him  as  one  of  the 
leaders  of  the  Macedonians ;  but  Stambuloff  maintains 
that  he  is  being  kept  simply  to  murder  him.  This  view 
is  certainly  supported  by  the  fact  that  when  he  goes  out, 
he  is  quickly  followed  by  one  or  other  of  these  men,  and 
that  the  Svohoda  has  over  and  over  again  openly  accused 
Natchevitch  of  being  in  league  with  this  knot  of  pro- 
fessional cut-throats  to  kill  Stambuloff,  and  challenged 
him  to  prosecute  it,  so  that  it  may  prove  the  conspiracy 
before  the  Tribunals.  Yet  no  summons  has  ever  been 
sent. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  persecution  of  Stambuloff 
is  now  caused  principally  by  the  attacks  of  the  Press, 
notably,  the  Svoboda,  on  the  Government.  Before  the 
elections  of  September,  1894,  this  paper  stood  alone 
against  the  Ministry.  After  the  break-up  of  the  Coalition, 
however,  more  than  fifty  out  of  the  sixty  journals  which 
Bulgaria  boasts,  took  up  the  attack.  Most  of  them 
vituperate  the  Prince  and  Stambuloff  together,  with 
impartiality,  and  it  sometimes  actually  happens  that  the 
Svohoda  has  to  defend  the  Prince  against  the  Zankofifist 


224  ^/.   STAMBULOFF. 

assaults.  If  Stambuloff  were  to  cease  the  publication  of 
the  Svoboda,  he  would  probably  be  left  in  peace ;  but  it  is 
the  only  paper  which  is  purely  anti-Russian. 

The  other  papers  fall  upon  the  Government  and  the 
Prince,  but  leave  Russia  alone.  The  Svoboda  is  the  only 
defender  of  the  national  interests,  and  the  only  fighter 
against  Russian  influence.  The  Radoslavists  are  also 
dead  against  Russia,  and  are  almost  as  much  hated  by 
the  Government  as  the  Stambuloff  Liberals.  Five-sixths 
of  Northern  Bulgaria  is  consequently  virtually  outlawed, 
and  the  violence  used  at  the  supplementary  elections  of 
the  3rd  February,  culminating  in  several  deaths,  and  the 
indictment  for  conspiracy  of  the  victims  who  were  left 
alive,  showed  that  small  mercy  or  shrift  would  be  given 
by  the  Government  to  its  adversaries. 

It  would  be  easy  to  multiply  cases  of  petty  tyranny, 
practised  upon  Stambuloff  and  his  adherents,  almost 
ad  itifinitum,  but  it  would  only  weary  the  reader.  I  will 
confine  myself,  therefore,  to  relating  what  occurred  during 
my  last  visit  to  Sofia,  during  the  month  of  May. 

One  day  I  found  Stambuloff  somewhat  excited  and 
very  angry,  and  he  informed  me  that  the  Government 
had  abolished  the  Caisse  d'Epargne,  and  refused  to  re- 
fund him  the  money  he  had  deposited  there.  This  Caisse 
was  founded  by  Stambuloff  in  the  Foreign  Ministry, 
to  encourage  the  employes  to  save.  They  paid  in  a 
percentage  of  their  salaries,  and  drew  ten  per  cent, 
interest.  For  some  reason  or  other,  the  present  Govern- 
ment had  decreed  its  abolition.  Stambuloff  had  18,000 
francs  there,  and  as  all  his  property  was  under  sequester, 
he  was  badly   in   want  of  money.     On  applying  for  it, 


THE  PERSECUTION.  225 

he  was  told  he  could  wait.  Whilst  I  was  talking  with 
him,  the  tax-collectors  called  for  1,500  francs  taxes. 
Stambuloff  said  he  had  not  500  in  the  house;  but  if 
they  would  wait  for  a  few  days,  he  would  pay  them. 
They  went  away,  saying  that  if  they  were  not  satisfied 
when  they  next  appeared,  they  should  seize  the  furni- 
ture. In  a  short  while  they  came  again,  and  wished 
to  put  their  threat  into  execution.  They  were  only 
prevented  from  doing  so  by  Stambuloff's  sending  out 
and  borrowing  the  money.* 

On  my  arrival,  Stambuloff,  who  had  scarcely  ventured 
outside  his  doors  for  weeks,  because  he  dared  not  walk 
alone,  and  his  friends  were  afraid  to  go  with  him,  proposed 
to  me  to  have  a  day's  snipe-shooting,  as  we  so  often 
had  done  in  former  times.  We  arranged  for  Saturday ; 
but  when  the  time  came  he  said  that  he  scarcely  felt 
well  enough,  but  should  we  go  round  to  the  Club  ? 
We  started  with  Guntcho  in  attendance,  followed  by  the 
sentries,  and  felt  that  we  were  positively  under  preventive 
arrest. 

Since  then  I  hear  that  Stambuloff  visited  the  Club 
again  one  evening,  and  this  time  the  three  assassins 
accompanied  his  party,  and  ensconced  themselves  in  wait 
outside.  Seeing  this,  he  collected  all  the  friends  he  could 
in  the  building,  and  effected  a  re-entry  to  his  house  in 

*  I  called  upon  Dr.  Stoiloff,  and  remonstrated  with  him  on  these 
outrageous  proceedings,  by  which  Stambuloff  was  placed  outside 
the  pale  of  the  law  as  regards  his  privileges,  and  under  it  as  regards 
his  liabilities.  M.  Stoiloff  answered  me  as  usual,  that  he  knew 
nothing  about  the  taxes ;  but  that  as  regards  the  money,  Stambuloff 
would  be  paid  in  his  due  turn,  in  the  order  in  which  his  application 
had  been  received. 


226  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

superior  force.      It  has,  however,   taken  away  all  desire 
to  repeat  his  visit. 

Before  quitting  Sofia,  I  urged  upon  Stambuloff  the 
advisability  of  taking  a  change  of  air  and  scene,  and 
giving  party  animosity  time  to  cool.  He  replied  that 
he  should  like  nothing  better;  but  he  did  not  think 
he  would  be  permitted  to  leave.  I  then  suggested  that 
he  should  procure  a  medical  certificate  to  the  effect  that 
his  life  was  in  danger,  unless  he  could  profit  by  the 
waters  (he  has  the  first  symptoms  of  diabetes),  and 
upon  this  that  he  should  demand  his  passport.  M. 
Stoiloff,  to  whom  I  spoke  on  the  subject,  promised  me 
that  he  would  offer  no  opposition,  and  the  support  of 
several  of  the  Foreign  Representatives  to  the  request 
could  be  confidently  relied  upon.  Stambuloff  complied 
with  my  programme,  but  was  refused,  on  the  ground 
that  the  Parliamentary  Commission  objected  to  his 
departure.  As  this  Commission  was  instituted  "  to  search 
the  Archives,  and  draw  up  a  report  for  the  Chamber," 
it  is  difficult  to  see  what  right  it  had  to  interfere.  It 
is  also  tolerably  certain  that  Stoiloff  himself,  if  left  to 
himself,  would  have  granted  the  permission,  and  therefore 
the  refusal  must  be  put  down  to  "  superior  orders."  It 
is  most  regrettable,  as  it  still  further  envenoms  Stambuloff 
against  the  Prince,  and  protracts  hostilities,  when  a  truce 
might  have  been  declared.  At  the  present  moment,  the 
two  foes  are  preparing  for  another  round ;  and  it  would 
be  a  bold  prophet  who  should  venture  a  prediction  on 
the  issue. 


CHAPTER    XII. 
CONCLUSION. 

Stambuloff's  views — His  nephew  KirilofF  expelled  from  the  Arm}'  — 
A  schoolmaster  beaten  and  set  to  sweep  out  the  police-station — 
The  Government  always  says  it  does  not  know — "  WTien  I  was 
Premier  a  bee  could  not  start  from  Varna  without  my  knowing  it" — 
The  Prince  and  Russia — A  dangerous  game — Dr.  Stoiloff's  opinion 
—  He  does  not  believe  in  the  stories  of  persecution — Is  confident 
about  the  elections  =  Character  of  Stambuloft" — He  was  his  own 
worst  enemy. 

Postscript. — The  premeditation  of  the  murder — The  Government 
morally  responsible — The  assassination — Guntcho  is  arrested — The 
police  look  on — Stambuloff's  hands  amputated — His  death — The 
accusation  of  the  Svofwda  against  the  Government — Stambuloft''s 
last  letter. 

I  HAVE  endeavoured,  in  the  preceding  pages,  to  pre- 
sent a  faithful  picture  of  the  events  of  the  last  few 
years  by  recording  the  facts,  as  they  occurred,  without 
further  cominent  than  necessary  to  make  their  bearing  on 
the  story  clear.  In  order  that  the  public  may,  however, 
hear  StambulofPs  own  version,  I  will  reproduce,  from 
notes,  his  account  of  the  situation,  and  add  to  it  the 
defence  of  the  Government,  leaving  the  reader  to  draw 
his  own  conclusions. 

Stambuloff  loqidhir. — "The  Stoiloff  Government,  on  its 
accession  to  power,  issued  a  circular,  in  which  it  promised 
to  adhere  to  the  Constitution  and  the  Law,  to  reduce  the 
Army  and  Taxation,  and  to  effect  a  reconciliation  with 
Russia.       The   great    reproach    brought    against   me   has 

227 


228  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

always  been  that  I  used  my  power  unconstitutionally  and 
arbitrarily.  I  admit  this  fully.  I  used  publicly  to  say  in 
the  Chamber,  that  I  intended  to  proceed  to  some  neces- 
sary measure,  not  provided  for  by  the  Constitution,  but 
justified  by  the  circumstances  of  the  case.  But  all  my 
arbitrary  acts  were  performed  for  the  good  of  the  country, 
and  generally  in  the  face  of  some  great  national  danger. 
The  Stoiloff  Cabinet,  however,  violates  the  Constitution 
every  day,  and  tramples  upon  all  the  legal  rights  of  its 
political  enemies.  It  has  taken  eight  millions  off  the 
dimes,  but  it  has  added  eighteen  by  the  accise ;  and  as  for 
the  reconciliation  with  Russia,  it  has  not  yet  been  accom- 
pHs-hed.  They  have  proclaimed  an  amnesty  for  political 
criminals,  but  none  for  those  who  hunted  down  the 
traitors.  The  Liberals  are,  in  fact,  being  prosecuted  by 
the  very  men  they  brought  to  justice.  This  would  be 
comprehensible  if  the  Prince  and  I  had  been  turned  out 
by  the  Russians,  but  I  can  find  no  plausible  excuse  for  it 
now. 

"  The  interior  and  exterior  policy  of  the  Government 
has  weakened  it  in  the  eyes  of  the  nation,  and  of  Europe, 
and  if  Russophilism  has  come  to  life  again,  it  is  only 
thanks  to  a  few  traitors.  It  is  with  a  bleeding  heart  that 
I  see  the  Russian  propaganda  carried  on  by  Bulgarian 
officials,  and  no  word  spoken  from  the  Palace  to  stem  a 
current  which  will  one  day  sweep  away  Prince  Ferdinand. 
If  the  persecution  were  limited  to  civilians  it  would  be 
bad  enough,  but  it  has  spread  to  the  Army.  Since  my 
tall,  three  hundred  of  our  best  and  most  patriotic  officers 
have  been  put  on  the  retired  list.  My  relative,  Lieutenant 
Kiriloff,  paid  me  two  visits,  and  for  this  he  was  expelled 
the  Army,  and  has  gone  to  Geneva  to  study  law.  Colonel 
Kutintcheff,  one  of  my  best  friends  from  childhood,  used 
occasionally  to  come  and  see  me.  He  was  quickly  trans- 
ferred to  Slivno,  and  when  he  returned  to  Sofia,  on  fifteen 
days'  leave,  to  fetch  his  wife,  and  paid  me  a  visit,  he  was 
at  once  bidden  to  quit  the  capital  in  twenty-four  hours. 
The  reason  given  to  him  was,  that  he  had  been  seen  "at 
Stambuloff's  house."  A  special  set  was  made  against 
school  teachers.      The    masters,   seeing   themselves   dis- 


CONCLUSION.  229 

missed  wholesale,  began  forming  societies  for  self-protec- 
tion, and  this  was  construed  into  political  conspiracy. 
Last  Easter,  at  Dubnitza,  the  teacher,  Dimitri  Leshkinoff, 
criticised  some  act  of  the  Government.  The  Bailli  came 
at  eleven  o'clock  at  night,  and  took  him  to  the  guard- 
house. Here  is  the  account  of  his  sufferings,  published 
in  the  Svohoda,  signed  by  himself  and  several  witnesses. 
He  was  thrashed  till  his  back  was  as  soft  as  his  stomach, 
as  we  say  in  Bulgarian,  and  those  who  saw  his  condition 
afterwards  said  that  "flies  crawled  up  the  small  of  their 
backs  "  when  they  looked  at  him.  On  the  Sunday  he  w^as 
compelled  to  sweep  out  the  guard-house,  and  clean  the 
latrines.  He  sent  his  complaint  to  the  Palace,  but  no 
notice  was  taken  of  it.  The  Government  simply  says  it 
has  no  knowledge  of  these  barbarities,  and  therefore  they 
must  be  invented  by  us.  When  I  was  Premier,  a  bee 
could  not  start  from  Varna  without  my  knowing  it ! 

"  As  for  my  campaign  in  the  Svoboda,  it  may  be  wrong, 
but  it  is  the  only  weapon  I  have  left  to  me.  Through  it 
I  have  raised  public  opinion,  not  only  in  Bulgaria,  but  all 
over  Europe.  It  is  the  way  in  which  the  European 
journals  spoke  of  me  which  damaged  me  most  of  all  in 
the  eyes  of  the  Prince,  who  hates  to  hear  the  world  talk- 
ing more  about  me  than  about  him.  Some  French  sheet 
described  him  as  *■  grelottant  dans  roinbre  de  son  Premier,^ 
and  there  appeared  the  pamphlet  called  the  Zmtn-Kdn.ig — 
the  fable  of  the  eagle  who  soared  higher  than  all  other 
birds,  but  when  he  could  rise  no  more,  a  wren  fluttered 
off  his  back  and  flew  a  few  yards  higher  still. 

"  By  his  declaration  that  Bulgaria  cannot  exist  without 
Russia,  by  his  open  court  paid  to  Russia,  in  order  to 
obtain  a  reconciliation  at  all  risks,  and  by  his  resuscita- 
tion of  the  Russian  ghost,  the  Prince  has  forfeited  the 
confidence  of  Bulgaria  and  of  Europe.  Unless  he 
changes  his  present  hermaphrodite  exterior  policy,  and 
compels  his  Government  to  cease  making  persecution 
their  ruling  principle,  I  would  not  give  a  sou  for  his 
throne.  He  is  simply  playing  into  the  hands  of  Russia. 
I  believe  he  knows  this  danger,  and  counts  upon  the 
Army  to  support  him.     Unfortunately,  our  officers  are  all 


230  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

politicians,  and  have  tasted  the  forbidden  fruit.  There 
are  also  close  and  indissoluble  ties,  which  the  Prince 
does  not  take  sufficiently  into  account,  between  the  Army 
and  the  Nation.  The  possibilities  of  a  civil  war  are, 
however,  so  horrible  to  me,  that  I  prefer  to  carry  this 
subject  no  further. 

"  In  my  opinion,  the  existence  of  Bulgaria,  apart  from 
Prince  Ferdinand,  depends  very  largely — too  largely  at 
present — upon  her  external  policy,  especially  upon  her 
relations  with  Turkey  and  Roumania.  It  was  always 
my  aim  to  inspire  confidence  in  these-  two,  but  the  action 
of  the  present  Government  is  not  calculated  to  do  so. 
Any  disturbance  here  would  quickly  spread  throughout 
the  Balkans,  and  we  are  sitting  upon  a  volcano  just  at 
present.  In  the  same  way,  anything  going  wrong  in 
Turkey  echoes  through  the  Peninsula,  and  the  greatest 
caution  ought  to  be  exercised  by  all  of  us  to  prevent  any 
breach  of  the  peace.  I  am  certain  that  if  ever  Russia 
occupied  Varna  and  Bourgas.  Austria  would  cross  the 
Save  and  take  Belgrade.  The  interests  of  all  the  Balkan 
States,  and  of  Turkey,  are  identical,  and  this  was  always 
the  very  backbone  of  my  policy." 

Dr.  Stoiloff  loquitur. — "  Stambuloff  complains  bitterly 
of  what  he  is  pleased  to  term  persecution,  but  I  deny 
in  toto  that  we  are  persecuting.  He  ought  to  think  him- 
self lucky  to  get  off  so  easily.  What  has  been  done  to 
him,  after  all  ?  A  Commission  has  been  instituted  to 
enquire  into  his  acts.  If  it  finds  that  he  has  committed 
crimes,  he  will  have  to  answer  for  them.  That  is  not 
persecution.  As  for  the  sequester  on  his  property,  I  do 
not  approve  of  it  myself,  and  refused  to  sign  the  protocol 
of  the  Commission  recommending  it.  But  it  is  not  such 
a  very  terrible  weapon  to  use.  All  the  lesser  miseries  he 
wails  over,  I  know  nothing  about.  As  for  the  telegrams 
and  letters  in  the  Svoboda,  I  cannot  treat  them  as 
evidence.  I  do  not  believe  that  there  is  the  slightest 
foundation  for  nine-tenths  of  them ;  and  as  for  the  rest, 
well,  the  victims  probably  brought  their  woes  on  them- 
selves. Stambuloff  pretends  that  the  whole  country  is 
against  us,  and  that  we  are  ruling  by  terrorism.     I  have 


CONCLUSION.  23  r 

travelled  all  over  Bulgaria  lately,  and  saw  none  of  the 
horrors  he  describes  in  his  Svoboda,  and  had  no  com- 
plaints made  to  me,  as  I  should  have  had  if  they  were 
true.  If  these  things  happen,  I  can  only  repeat  they  are 
not  within  my  cognisance.  As  for  the  conspirators, 
brigands,  and  assassins  who,  you  say,  are  'strolling  about 
and  smoking  with  M.  Natchevitch,'  there  has  been  a 
political  amnesty,  and  anybody  who  likes  can  come  to 
Sofia.  In  the  particular  case  of  Naoum  Teufectchieff, 
there  is  a  question  as  to  whether  he  is  a  Turkish  or  a 
Bulgarian  subject.  Until  that  is  settled  we  cannot  hand 
him  over  to  the  Ottoman  Government,  or  try  him  our- 
selves.    Therefore  he  is  at  liberty  on  bail. 

"  I  quite  agree  with  the  Prince  that  our  only  chance 
of  salvation  is  a  reconciliation  with  -Russia,  and  I  have 
hopes  of  achieving  it.  Our  present  situation  is  that 
of  the  leper  of  Europe,  and  is  quite  intolerable. 

"  As  for  our  prospects  in  the  coming  elections,  I  am 
quite  tranquil  about  them.  We  shall  have  a  good  majority, 
for  the  whole  of  Bulgaria  is  sick  to  death  of  the  Liberals, 
and  the  disgraceful  way  in  which  they  are  behaving, 
especially  in  their  paper,  the  Svoboda. 

"  All  that  is  respectable  in  the  country  is  on  our  side, 
anil  we  are  resolved  firmly  not  to  let  ourselves  be  fright- 
ui  J  out  of  our  path.  The  Prince  is  daily  gaining  ground 
both  here  and  in  Europe,  and  we  can  afford  to  listen  with 
indifference  to  the  yelping  of  the  Liberal  pack." 

Which  of  the  two  is  right,  time  will  show.  Their  views 
and  statements  are  so  diametrically  opposite,  that  there 
is  no  fitting  them  together.  Since  I  left  Sofia,  the 
Bulgarian  Government  has  presented  a  note  to  the  Porte 
respecting  certain  indemnities,  and  reiterating  a  request 
for  the  execution  of  the  Irade'  giving  two  more  Bulgarian 
Bishops  to  Macedonia.  This  note  was  very  badly  received, 
and  M.  Dimitroff,  the  Bulgarian  Diplomatic  Agent,  left 
Constantinople    next    day.       Simultaneously    with    this 


232  M.    STAMRULOFF. 

diplomatic  quarrel,  disturbances  began  in  Macedonia,  and 
at  the  date  of  my  writing  these  lines,*  it  looks  as  if 
the  outbreak  of  hostilities  between  the  Turkish  troops 
and  the  peasant  population  of  Macedonia  were  about 
to  open  up  a  question  similar  to  the  Armenian  one. 

In  judging  Stambuloff's  life,  the  Western  critic  must 
take  into  consideration  the  surroundings  amongst  which 
he  was  bred  and  lived.  If  he  ruled  roughly,  it  was  a 
rough  people  he  had  to  deal  with.  He  was  a  young  man, 
in  almost  absolute  power  over  a  young  nation.  At  the 
age  when  most  of  our  youths  are  wielding  the  oar  and 
the  cricket  bat,  he  was  a  leader  in  the  forlorn  struggle  of 
Bulgaria  against  Turkey.  Taught  in  the  hard  school  of 
want  and  adversity,  his  nature  was  rugged  as  the  mountains 
which  were  his  youthful  home  and  refuge.  He  was  blamed, 
when  in  power,  for  behaving  with  unnecessary  rigour 
towards  his  opponents,  but  politics  in  Bulgaria  are  not 
what  they  are  in  Western  Europe.  Political  passions  are 
so  fierce,  that  every  party  looks  upon  the  other  as  an 
actual  physical  foe,  to  be  dealt  with  in  a  manner  to 
cripple  and  disable  it  for  ever.  In  Stambuloff,  we  see 
the  strong  man  defending  his  house.  Amidst  plots  and 
conspiracies,  surrounded  by  uncertain  friends  and  open 
enemies,  he  was  often  obliged  to  strike  swiftly.  And 
when  he  struck,  his  hand  was  undoubtedly  heavy.  The 
best  justification  of  his  policy  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact 
that  his  adversaries,  who  came  in  upon  a  condemnation 
of  it,  are  following  it  as  closely  as  they  can. 

Since  he  fell,  he  has  been  reproached  with  his  campaign 
against  the  Prince.  There  can  scarcely  be  two  opinions 
*   30lh  June,    1895. 


CONCLUSION.  233 

on  this  subject,  but  the  greatest  sufferer  has  not  been 
Prince  Ferdinand.  As  a  keen  and  competent  observer, 
one  who  most  strongly  disapproved  of  Stambuloff's  later 
acts,  remarked  to  me — • 

'•''  Son  cEuvre  fut  si  colossale  que  pcrsonne  autre  que  lui- 
meme  pourrait  la  detruire.  Eh  !  biefi,  il  k  fait  avec  ses 
propres  mains." 

When  he  quitted  the  Presidential  chair,  Stambuloff 
could  proudly  remember  how  he  had  consolidated  the 
Union ;  held  the  country  single-handed  against  the  kid- 
nappers of  Prince  Alexander ;  ruled  it  as  Regent  in  the 
teeth  of  Russia  ;  driven  out  the  Russian  Commissioners 
and  Consuls ;  brought  in  a  new  Prince,  and  kept  him  on 
the  throne  through  a  series  of  plots  and  dangers  from 
within  and  without ;  reconciled  the  Church  and  State,  and 
drawn  close  the  ties  between  Bulgaria  and  her  Suzerain, 
the  Sultan. 

All  Europe  recognised  his  magnificent  services,  and  he 
stood  on  a  pedestal  so  high  that  none  of  his  adversaries 
could  reach  his  feet.  By  his  desperate  thirst  for  revenge, 
though,  he  came  down  from  his  high  place,  and  put 
himself,  if  not  on  a  level,  at  least  within  reach  of  his 
foes.  His  best  friends  besought  him  to  suffer  in  silence, 
and  to  show  himself  as  strong  in  patience  as  he  had  been 
in  power.  But  Stambuloff  could  not  endure,  and  he  did 
for  himself  what  his  worst  enemies  could  not  have  done 
for  him.  And  they,  watching  with  secret  pleasure  how, 
with  his  own  hands,  he  was  tearing  off  his  armour,  kept 
goading  him  on  with  little  pricks  in  his  captivity,  and 
refusing,  like  modern  Pharaohs,  to  let  him  go.  ^Vhat  is 
now  taking  place  in  Sofia  is  a  melancholy  and  degrading 


234  -!/•    STAMBULOFF. 

spectacle.  It  is  a  sordid  smirch  on  one  of  the  fairest 
pages  a  man  could  ever  show  for  his  life,  and  a  blot  of 
black  ingratitude  on  the  history  of  Bulgaria. 

June  joth,   iSgj. 

POSTSCRIPT 

The  ink  was  scarcely  dry  upon  the  proofs  of  the  preceding 
pages  when  the  civilised  world  ivas  shocked  by  the  news  of 
the  assassination  of  Standnilojf.  It  may  be  doubted  if  any 
crime  of  modern  times,  not  even  excepting  the  outrage  on 
the  Czar  Alexander  II.,  raised  such  an  universal  feeling  of 
horror,  loathing,  and  contempt  for  its  authors.  In  the  one 
case  the  assassins  were  a  few  desperate,  hunted  Nihilists, 
tracked  by  the  police  like  wolves,  hiding  in  caves  and  cellars, 
and  working  under  a  fanatical  creed  zvhich  cotwerted  them 
for  the  time  being  into  temporary  madmen,  hi  the  other 
we  see  hired  '  bravos '  whose  character  was  well  known  to 
the  authorities,  whose  hands  ivere  steeped  in  blood  of  former 
victims,  and  who  openly  boasted  that  they  ivere  kept  to  kill 
Stambuloff.  A  man,  sick  to  death,  begged  for  leave  to  quit 
the  toivn  where  he  could  not  take  a  step  without  being 
followed  by  those  ivho  ivere  sworn  and  paid  to  make  an  end 
to  him,  and  it  ivas  refused.  The  Foreign  Diplomatic 
Agetits  repeatedly  pointed  out  to  the  Government  that  if 
anything  happened  to  Stambuloff,  the  tvhole  responsibility 
zvouldfall  upon  them.  This  responsibility  they  deliberately 
tmdertook.  By  the  refusal  to  grant  Stambuloff  his  passport, 
they  signed  Stambuloff's  death-warratit  as  surely  as  if  they 
had  led  him  out  to  execution.  They  knew  ity  he  knew,  it, 
and  every  man,  woman,  and  child  in  Sofia  knew  it.  The 
qucition    was  simply  one   of  time.     He  might  die  of  his 


POSTSCRIPT.  235 

disease,  or  the  mtirderers  might  find  a  favourable  opporhiniiy. 

What  hurried  the  catastrophe  may  or  may  not  be  known 
some  day,  but  it  ivill  probably  turn  out  that  a  notorious 
Russophil  leader,  then  on  a  visit  to  Petersburg,  had  been 
told  by    the   Russophil  Bulgarians   there,    and   the   Slav 

Committees,  that  so  long  as  Stambuloff  lived  there  was  no 
hope  of  a  reconciliation  zvith  Russia.  Hereupon  a  message 
may  have  been  se?it  to  Sofia,  that  what  had  to  be  do?ie  zvere 
best  done  quickly.  The  day  before  the  murder  the  ^  Alir,' 
the  Govern)nent  organ,  published  an  article  saying  that  the 
only  thing  to  do  tvith  Stambuloff  was  to  "  tear  his  fiesh 
from  his  bones."  The  order  ivas  too  literally  fulfilled. 
There  was,  indeed,  no  chance  of  escape  from  his  fate.  It 
was  zvell  knotvn  that  the  refusal  to  grant  the  passport  was 
sanctioned  by  the  Prince,  under  pretext  that  His  Highness 
did  not  tvish  Stambuloff  to  be  touring  about  Europe,  talking 
against  him.  It  zvas,  however,  interpreted  far  differently  in 
Bulgaria.  There  everybody  knew  that  a  band  of  professional 
cut-throats  tuere  being  kept  for  no  other  purpose  than  to 
clear  off  the  great  impediment  in  the  way  of  the  Russophils. 
They  knew,  too,  that  the  death  of  Stambuloff  ivas  the  best 
means  of  pleasing  the  Prince  atid  the  Government,  and 
under  such  circumstances  the  task  teas  an  easy  one  for 
the  conspirators  to  carry  out.  As,  latterly,  the  only 
exercise  Stambuloff  ever  took  was  between  his  home  and  the 
Union  Club,  down  the  Rakovsky  Street,  it  was  certain  that 
the  murder  would  take  place  there.  He  has  often  remarked 
to  me.  himself,  that  he  would  be  killed  in  those  three  or  four 
hundred  yards,  a?id  events  have  shozun  that  his  presentiment 
was  only  too  true.     It  happened  in  this  tvise  : 

On   the  ijth  of  July,   at  ten   minutes   to  eight  in    the 


236  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

evening,  Stnmbuloff  and  Petkoff  left  the  Union  Club, 
where  they  had  been  spending  an  hour  or  two.  A  carriage 
had  been  waiting  at  the  corner  ever  since  their  arrival,  and 
the  coachman,  who  tvas  not  one  of  those  usually  stationed  at 
this  spot,  said  that  he  had  come  to  take  them  home.  The 
trusty  Guntcho  mounted  the  box,  and  they  d?'Ove  off.  As 
they  passed  the  house  of  Guzeleff,  three  men  sprang  out 
into  the  roadivay.  The  foremost  was  armed  with  a 
revolver,  the  other  two  with  the  formidable  knives  called 
'■  yatagans.^  Stambuloff  and  Petkoff  leaped  doivn  on  the 
opposite  side,  and  the  driver  instantly  ivhipped  up  his 
horses  and  disappeared,  but  not  before  Guntcho  had  also 
managed  to  descend,  both  he  and  Petkoff  being  thrown 
violently  to  the  ground  in  doing  so.  Stambuloff  had 
hardly  gotte  six  paces  before  his  assailants  were  upon  him, 
three  to  one.  Probably  from  not  wishing  to  raise  an 
unnecessary  alarm,  the  7-evolver  was  not  used.  As 
Stambuloff  was  feeling  for  his  ozvn  pistol,  he  received  a 
slash  across  the  wrist  tvhich  nearly  severed  his  right  hand. 
He  then  raised  both  arms  to  protect  his  head  from  the 
savage  cuts  aimed  at  it.  His  right  arm  was  brokefi  in 
several  places,  and  the  flesh  and  muscle  ripped  to  the  bone. 
He  soon  fell,  and  on  the  road  the  assassins  continued 
hacking  at  his  defenceless  form  until  Guntcho  had  picked 
himself  up,  and  rushed  to  the  rescue.  Firing  a  shot  fvm 
his  revolver,  he  put  the  three  to  flight,  and  started  in 
pursuit,  when  Captain  Morfoff,  the  same  ivho  had  led  the 
rabble  on  the  joth  J\fay,  with  three  gendarmes  who 
were  present  on  the  scene,  ii>imediately  arrested  Guntcho, 
and  gave  the  murderers  time  to  escape.  The  one  wounded 
by  Guntcho,  for  he  seems  to  have  hit  his  mark,  ran  down 


POSTSCRIPT.  237 

Mutkuroff  Street  a  fid  Krakra  Street.  As  he  was  bleedmg 
from  the  face,  a  hie  and  cry  tvas  raised,  and  he  was 
foUoived  past  the  British  Agency,  where  the  tzvo  sentinels 
declined  to  respond  to  the  shout  of  the  pursuers  to  arrest 
him,  a/though  he  passed  within  ten  paces  of  them.  Once 
beyond  the  Agency,  he  was  in  open  country,  and  soon  gained 
the  slopes  of  Mount  Vitosh.  As  soon  as  Fetkoff  recovered 
from  his  heavy  fall  he  zvent  for  assistance,  the  jnutilated 
body  of  Stamhuloff  was  carried  to  his  house,  ajid  he  ivas 
laid  upon  a  table  iii  the  front  room.  His  ivife  tvas  out  at 
the  time,  and  when  she  returned,  the  sight  which  met  her 
tvas  indeed  a  terrible  one.  Both  of  her  husband^ s  hands 
and  arms  zvere  sliced  to  ribbons,  one  eye  was  ?iearly  cut  out, 
and  fifteen  gaping  zvounds  criss-crossed  his  forehead  afid 
temples.  Doctors  Sterlin  and  Hakanoff  were  quickly  in 
attendance,  and  decided  that  an  immediate  amputation  of 
both  limbs  ivas  necessary,  and  it  was  at  once  perjormed. 
His  constitution  tvas  already  enfeebled  by  disease,  and  by  a 
course  of  zvaters  ;  and  the  great  loss  of  blood,  first  from 
the  wounds,  and  then  from  the  surgeon's  knife,  left  little 
chance  of  recovery.  Nevertheless,  the  day  passed  without 
any  alarming  symptoms,  and  it  was  ojily  on  the  night  of 
the  lyth  that  high  fever  set  in,  and  the  mind,  which  had 
been  clear  hitherto,  began  to  wander.  At  tiventyfive 
minutes  past  three  a.m.,  on  the  eighteenth,  Stamhilojf  died, 
surrounded  by  his  family  and  friends,  and  numrned  by  half 
the  world. 

It  is  not  worth  ivhile  to  detail  the  first  steps  taken 
towards  discovering  the  murderers,  as  this  volume  iinll 
probably  appear  in  print  long  before  the  trial  is  cotnmenced, 
if  proper  trial  there  ever  be.      There  is  some  possibility  of  a 


238  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

wretched  scapegoat  being  found,  but  the  really  guilty  parties, 
the  acco7nplices  before  and  after  the  fact,  will  never  be 
b?-ought  to  the  bar. 

The  next  day  the  '  Svoboda  ^published  the  following  : 

"  Who  are  the  murderers  of  Stambuloff?  Who  took  the 
life  of  such  a  man  as  Bulgaria  7uill  never  see  again  ? 

"  Who  lifted  the  yatagan  against  him  ?  They  are  officially 
unkno-ivn,  but  all  Bulgaria  knows  them.  For  the  last  seveti 
months  ive  have  repeatedly  and  openly  declared  that  the 
Government  was  keeping  the  assassins  of  Beltcheff  and 
Vulkovitch  to  murder  Stambuloff.  The  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  M.  Natchevitch,  has  givoi  some  of  these  me7t  posts 
under  Govertiment,  and  daily  receives  them  iti  his  house. 

"  Who  has  nozu  killed  Stambuloff? 

"  Whoever  struck  the  blow,  the  moral  murderers  are  the 
Pri}tce  and  his  Government  who  refused  to  let  him  lea-<'e 
Sofa,  and  so  gave  an  opportunity  to  their  assassins.  The 
blood  of  Bulgaria'' s  finest  patriot  c?-ies  aloud  for  vengeance. 
Two  days  ago  the  official  journal,  the  '  Afir,'  called  upon  its 
friends  to  tear  the  flesh  from  the  bones  of  Stambuloff  and 
Petkoff.     Its  orders  have  been  executed. 

'■'•Rejoice  therefore,  ye  luho  are  a  disgrace  to  Bulgaria, 
criminals  lender  a?i  official  cloak!  You  have  cut  off  the 
right  hand  which  so  often  saved  Bulgaria  a?id  the  Prince's 
crown.  Be  tnerry  /  for  you  have  removed  the  barrier  which 
preve7rted  you  from  selling  your  country. 

"  But  will  you  ever  know  peace  again  ?  Nex'er,  a  thousaiid 
times  over,  never  ! 

"  Wherever  you  are,  in  your  goings  out  and  your  comings 
in,  the  blood  of  Stambuloff  will  be  with  you;  in  your  homes, 
amongst  your  funilies,  in  church  and  in  office,  the  shadow  of 
Stambuloff  will  follo7u  you,  a7id  will  lea^ie  yoit  in  this  world 
nevermore." 

The  accusation  lierc  brought  is  no  new  one.  The 
'  Svoboda '    has  printed  similar  challenges   over  and  over 


POSTSCRIPT.  239 

agai?i,  defying  the  Governmeiit  /o  prosecute  it,  afid  so  give  it 
a  chance  of  proving  its  words  in  a    Coui-t  of  Laiv. 

With  Stanilnilojf  disappears  the  only  real  adversary 
capable  of  holding  the  countty  against  the  Russophils.  The 
most  prominent  member  of  the  Nationalist  Party  left  is 
Radoslavoff,  who  may  make  an  effort,  together  with  Fetkoff, 
and  possibly  some  of  the  Army,  to  rally  and  effect  a  stand 
against  Russia.  It  is,  however,  a  thankless  task  to 
prophesy  about  Bulgaria.  Fui-ther  than  this,  I  prefer  not 
to  look  info  the  dark  and  stormy  future  7vhich  opens  beyond 
Stambuloff^s  grave. 

I  could  not  mo7-e  fittingly  conclude  this  study  than   by 

translating  the  last  letter  I  received  from  Stambulof,  only 

a  feiv   days   before    his   right  hand  was  cut  off.      It  is 

probably   the  last  private  one  he  ever  ivrote   and  signed, 

and  I  give  it  almost  in  fill.      The  reader  will  notice  that 

amidst  all  his  personal  worries,  his  menial  struggles,  and 

physical  sufferings,  his  one  predominant  idea,  the  single  love 

of  his  life,  was  Bulgaria.      For  Bulgaria  he  lived,  and 

for  her  he  died  a  marty?-patriot. 

Here  is  his  letter  : 

"  Sofia,  8th  July,  iSgj. 

"  My  Dear  Friend, 

'■'■As  you  know,  the  Deputation,  with  the  Metropolitan 
Clement  at  its  head,  has  reached  Petersburg  to  place  a  wreath 
on  the  grave  of  the  Emperor  Alexander  III.,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  to  propose  conditions  for  the  perdition  of  Bulgaria. 
The  Prince  is  delighted  that  the  Deputation  has  been  received, 
and  believes  that  through  it  he  will  obtain  his  recognition. 
He  is  ready  to  make  any  concessions,  if  only  the  Czar  will 
consent  to  recognise  him.  Atid  so  the  independence  and 
freedom  of  our  poor  fatherland  finds  itself  in  deadly  peril, 
throus;h  the  wretched  Russophi  I  is  in  of  our  Government. 


240  M.   STAMBULOFF. 

"/  never  thought  we  should  descend  to  such  depths.  But 
•what  can  we  do  when  they  '■salt  the  salt'?  The  nation  is 
not  guilty  in  the  slightest  of  this  base  truckling;  its  leaders 
alone  are  responsible.  From  Macedonia  we  have  little  nezus 
yet,  although  several  baftds  of  from  lo  to  75  meti  have  crossed 
the  frontier.  Here  in  Sofia  a  large  band  of  about  400  is  being 
organised,  but  is  not  yet  ready  to  start. 

'■'■please  let  me  k7iozu  what  people  are  saying  ajid  t]ti7iking  in 
Constantinople.  Surely  it  cannot  be  possible  that  the  Great 
Powers  will  permit  our  Government  to  sell  Bulgaria  to  the 
Russia7is  ?  A)id  supposing  that  Russia  were  to  recognise  the 
Prince,  would  Turkey  do  so  too?  And  how  about  Austria 
a7id  the  Triple  Allia7ice  ? 

"  The  Prince  is  ftow  entirely  u/ider  the  i7iflue7ice  of  his 
Russophil  Mi7iisters — VelitcJikoff,  Madjdroff,  a7id  Gueshoff. 
Before  lo7ig  he  7/iea7is  to  get  rid  of  Stoiloff,  Petroff,  a7id 
Natchevitch.  Yeste7-day  His  High7tess  retiir7ied  fro77i  Var7ta, 
bri7igi7ig  with  hii/t  Sta7itcheff,  our  newly-na7ned  Mi7iister  to 
Bucharest.  He  wishes  to  appoint  hi/n  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs.  It  07ily  wa/ited  this  Court  lacquey  i7i  office  to 
complete  the  picture  /  You7's  sincerely,  i 

(Sig7ied)        "  S.  Sta77iboloffr     -^ 

Pe7-chance  these  u>07'ds — this  voice  fro7)i  the  dead,  appealing 
to  Eu7-ope  to  save  Bulgaria  fro77i  the  drag07is  jaws — 7iiay 
find  additional  force  f7-o/n  the  fact  that  the  hand  that  pe7ined 
them  was  lopped  fro !n  the  ar)n  which  had  held  the  lists  so 
lotig,  by  the  assassin's  knife,  and  that  the  true  patriot's  heart 
which  dictated  the7n  shed  all  its  rich  blood  in  the  Cause  on 
behalf  of  ivhich  they  sfeak.  Perhaps  dead  Sta7tibtdoff  may 
yet  strike  otie  7/iore  blow  for  the  Bulgaria  he  loved  so  ivell. 

C0NSTA\TIN01'LE,y///)'  \<^th,    1 89 5. 


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